COPY
The contents of this Memorandum are for the personal attention of the Commanders-in-Chief, and of the Chief-of-Staff, OKW, only.
They are responsible for its secrecy.
Distribution:
1. C-in-C, Army, Col-Gen. von Brauchitsch.
2. C-in-C, Navy, Grand-Admiral Dr. (honoris causa) Raeder.
3. C-in-C, GAF, Gen-Fieldmarshal Goering.
' 4. C of S, OKW, Col-Gen. Keitel.
Berlin, 9 October 39
Memorandum and Directives for Conduct of the War in the West
The dissolution of the First German Reich as ratified by the Treaty of Muenster (1648) resulted in that arrangement of European States, known as the "balance of power," which made possible the formation of the French and, above all, the British Empire. The decisive factor of this state of affairs (also desired by England) was the disintegration of the mass of the German people combined with the prevention by treaty-terms of its later reunification into one uniform state. Every attempt to form the German people into such a new state was therefore considered upsetting to the European equilibrium and was attacked. Even the British friendship with Prussia, for what it was worth, cooled-off the moment the latter became conscious of its German mission and attempted to reconstruct a Prusso-German Reich. The farsighted Bismarck and Moltke recognized the probability of again having to defend their newly formed Reich at a later stage against those interested in maintaining the European "balance of power," and the necessity of carrying this through. World War I, set in motion by a minor external event, was therefore supposed to divide the unity of the Reich again or to remove possible preconditions for a future greater unification. The present war of the Western Powers against the new Reich also serves the same ends. The aim of the Anglo-French conduct of war is to dissolve or disintegrate the 80-million state again so that in this manner the European equilibrium, in other words the balance of power, which serves their ends, may be restored. This battle therefore will have to be fought out by the German people one way or another. Nevertheless, the very great successes of the first month of war could serve, in the event of an immediate signing of peace, to strengthen the Reich psychologically and materially to such an extent that from the German viewpoint there
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would be no objection to ending the war immediately, so far as the present achievement with arms is not jeopardized by the peace treaty.
It is not the object of this memorandum to study the possibilities in this direction or even to take them into consideration. In this paper I shall coniine myself exclusively to the other case: the necessity to continue the fight, the object of which, as already stressed, consists so far as the enemy is concerned in the dissolution or destruction of the German Reich. In opposition to this, the German war aim is the final military despatch of the West, that is, destruction of the power and ability of the Western Powers ever again to be able to oppose the state consolidation and further development of the German people in Europe.
As far as the outside world is concerned, however, this internal aim will have to undergo various propaganda adjustments, necessary from a psychological point of view. This does not alter the war aim. It is and remains the destruction of our Western enemies.
The German situation
The German people enter this battle with a population more than double that of the French, and almost equal to that of France and England together. '
The military application of our people's strength has been carried through to such an extent that within a short time at any rate, it cannot be markedly improved upon by any manner of effort. Any increase in military power which is to be expected in the next few years will not be compensated by France, but by England, which is constantly growing stronger. France alone, on account of her weak call-up classes, is not in a position to undertake the setting up of new formations beyond a certain limit, unless she dispenses with all useful forms of replacements for incidental battle-casualties, which is improbable. England is able, within the next few months or years, to set up a comparatively large number of formations, whose value however will be more defensive than strategically operational.
Time
Time in this war, as in all historic processes, is in itself not a factor of intrinsic value, but one of which full account must be taken. In the present situation, under these conditions, time may be reckoned more probably as an ally of the Western Powers rather than of ours.
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Reasons
The successes of the Polish campaign have made possible first of all a war on a single front, awaited for past decades without any hope of realization; that is to say, Germany is able to enter the fight in the West with all her might, leaving only a few covering troops.
The remaining European states are neutral either because they fear for their own fates, or lack interest in the conflict as such, or are interested in a certain outcome of the war, which prevents them from taking part at all or at any rate too soon.
The following is to be firmly borne in mind:
Russia
By no treaty or pact can a lasting neutrality of Soviet-Russia be insured with certainty. At present all reasons speak against Russia's departure from this state of neutrality. In 8 months, 1 year, or even several years this may be altered. The trifling significance of treaties of agreement has been proved on all sides in recent years. The greatest safeguard against any Russian attack lies in an obvious display of German superiority, viz: in a prompt demonstration of German strength.
, Italy
As long as the Italian Government sees the future of Italy as a reproduction of a great imperial Roman Empire, its trend of politics will, in general, fit in with Germany's. For this imperial conception is only to be realized at the expense of France or England. The realization itself is probable only with the help of Germany, or is dependent on German success. Fascism is the bearer of this imperial idea, and in the front rank stands its creator, Benito Mussolini. A weakening of the Fascist influence in Italy, or even the death of the Duce, would lead to a strengthening of the influence of the Crown, and thus finally to the forsaking of these aims, inspired by the people, but dangerous and therefore distasteful to monarchies. As surely as Mussolini heads for a fight with the democracies and will take it on under generally favorable conditions, so non-Fascist Italy, and the Crown in particular, will turn aside from these and similarly dangerous ideas. They will at least not be prepared, ever to take any active steps in the matter themselves. At the most, and in the most favorable circumstances, they will wait, and let events pass by. For a trifling payment or reward however these powers will also be prepared, merely because of their
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own stupid short-sightedness, to sell the birthright of the Italians in the Mediterranean, and then fall in with the enemies of Germany. The hope of Italian support for Germany in its fateful battle is therefore dependent on the continuation of Fascist influence in that country, and therefore largely on the Duce's remaining alive. Time, here, can therefore under no circumstances be considered as an ally of Gerrhany's. It can, in this case, at most, be a danger.
Belgium and Holland
Both countries are interested in preserving their neutrality but incapable of withstanding prolonged pressure from England and France. The preservation of their colonies, the maintenance of their trade, and thus the securing of their interior economy, even of their very life, depends wholly upon the will of England and France. Therefore, in their decisions, in their attitude, and in their actions, both countries are dependent upon the West, in the highest degree. If England and France promise themselves a successful result at the price of Belgian neutrality, they are at any time in a position to apply the necessary pressure. That is to say, without covering themselves with the odium of a breach of neutrality, they can compel Belgium and Holland to give up their neutrality. Therefore, in the matter of the preservation of Belgo-Dutch neutrality, time is not a factor which might promise a favorable development for Germany.
The Nordic States
Provided no completely unforeseen factors appear, their neutrality in the future is also to be assumed. The continuation of German trade with these countries appears possible even in a war of long duration.
The South-Eastern States
At the moment their neutrality appears very probable but cannot be prophesied for the future with absolute certainty. Not only psychological and propaganda influences, or general economic factors, but also financial personal bribery can lead to a change in the attitude of these states at any time.
America
The attempt of certain circles of the U. S. A. to lead the American Continent in a direction hostile to Germany, is definitely unsuccessful at the moment, but could still in the future lead to
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the desired result. Here, too, time is to be viewed as working against Germany.
Eastern Asia
Japan will definitely act according to her own interests. It will be her aim to make use of every weakening of the European states in Eastern Asia with the minimum expenditure of her own power. Here, too, time cannot be considered as an ally of Germany; only success will be.
The Dangers of the German Position
The first danger for Germany lies in the fact that in a war of long duration under certain circumstances, states may be drawn to the opposite side for reasons which may lie in their economic needs, or in the weakening of particular interests.
The second danger is that, through a war of long duration, states which in themselves might be inclined to take sides with Germany, might, in retrospect of the last war, think that they see. a warning in the duration of the war itself, and therefore abstain from a positive course of action favorable to Germany.
The third danger, in a lengthier war, lies in the difficulty, owing to the limited food and raw material basis, of insuring the food supply of the people, and of finding the means for carrying on the war. The morale, at least of the people, will be affected by that.
The greatest, and most difficult danger lies in the following:
The essential factor for each victorious conduct of the war is to safeguard Ruhr production. Each serious stoppage in production in this area cannot be made good elsewhere. Sooner or later this must lead to the collapse of the German war-economy, and thus of the capacity to resist.
But the enemy knows this too.
. The first danger to the Ruhr is that of stoppages caused by air attacks.
The possibilities of defense by day by means of AA and fighter-aircraft are still present in a high degree. The possibility of defense by night is a limited one even now. The possibility of defense by reprisal at présent seems to be the safest. It must, however, be taken into account that in a war of long duration any belligerent who considers he has attained absolute supremacy in a certain arm of the service will use this supremacy regardless of reprisals thereby incurred. The longer this war lasts, the more difficult will be the preservation of German air-superiority. And of offensive air superiority in particular. As
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long as neutral Belgium and Holland remain as protective zones in front of the Ruhr, attack by aircraft is still somewhat difficult, bombardment by long-range artillery impossible. But, in the event of the cessation of Belgian-Dutch neutrality, the military boundary would be withdrawn to a distance which would bring at least the South-West Ruhr zone within the range of super-long-range guns, and Düsseldorf, even within the range, even of long-range batteries. From this moment the Ruhr, as an active factor of the German war-economy, would either drop out or at least be crippled. There is no means of replacing it.
As this weakness is recognized just as clearly by England and France as by ourselves, an Anglo-French conduct of war aiming at the utter destruction of Germany will strive to reach this goal at all costs. Indeed, the less hope England and France have of being able to destroy the German armed forces in a series of actual battles, the more both states will strive to create the conditions for an effective long drawn-out war of attrition and annihilation. But this condition requires the moving up of Anglo-French forces to the German frontier with a consequent termination of Belgian-Dutch neutrality.
The possible course of action
Under no circumstances are France and England compelled to violate the Belgian-Dutch frontier by attack, thereby attacking these countries. Their means of exerting pressure are, as already indicated, so vast and so forceful, that they will succeed at any time in causing both countries to give up their neutrality at any particular moment which seems suitable, or necessary to the English or French Governments. ,
As a motive for such a course of action in the eyes of the rest of the world (as far as that may be considered necessary at all), it is sufficient to portray the dangers of a German breach of neutrality and to make full propaganda value of that in order to cause Belgium and Holland to declare that they are threatened and to request Anglo-French assistance. And first of all, in such an event, Belgian forces will be transferred from the Belgian-French to the German-Belgian frontier; the defensive front, which would thus be gradually built up, could, without difficulty and in the shortest space of time, receive Anglo-French reinforcements which would cause any German counterattack whieh might be undertaken to fail. Then, within a few days, an extensive deployment of Anglo-French forces on the Ger-man-Belgian-Dutch frontier could take place thereby bringing the war near to the heart of our armaments industry.
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The probabilty, indeed the certainty of such an Anglo-French decision is strengthened by the indisputable fact, that, from the opposite point of view, the possession of this area by Germany would be one of the few factors that would at all be of help to Germany in the event of a long war.
German Possibilities in the event of a long war
Germany's military means of waging a lengthier war are, as far as our main enemy is concerned, the Air Force and the U-boat arm.
The U-boat can, even today, if ruthlessly employed, be an extraordinary threat to England. The weaknesses of German U-boat warfare lie in the great distances to the scenes of action, in the extraordinary danger attached to these journeys and in the continuous threat to their home bases. That England has not, for the moment, laid the great minefield, as in the World War, between Norway and the Shetland Isles is possibly connected—provided the will to wage war exists at all—with a shortage of necessary barrage materials. But, if the war lasts long, an increasing difficulty to our U-boats must be reckoned with in the use of these only remaining inward and outward routes. The creation of U-boat strongpoints outside these constricted home bases would lead to an enormous increase in the striking-power of this arm.
The German Air Force
The GAF cannot succeed in efficient operations against the industrial center of England and her South and SW ports, which have increased in importance in wartime, until it is no longer compelled to operate offensively from our present small North sea coast, by extremely devious routes involving long flights. If the Dutch-Belgian area were to fall into the hands of the English and French, then the enemy air forces would be able to strike at the industrial heart of Germany and would need to cover barely a sixth of the distance required by the German bomber to reach really important targets. If we were in possession of Holland, Belgium, or even the Straits of Dover as jumping-off bases for German aircraft then, without a doubt, Great Britain could be struck a mortal blow, even if the strongest reprisals were attempted.
Such a shortening of air routes would be all the more important to Germany because of our difficulties in fuel supply. Every 1000 kg of fuel saved is not only an asset to our national economy, but means that 1000 kg more of explosives can be carried in the air-
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craft; that is to say, 1000 kg of fuel would become 1000 kg of bombs. And this also leads to economy in aircraft, in mechanical wear-and-tear of the machine, and above all in valuable airmen's lives.
These very facts are reasons for England and France to secure for themselves these regions under all circumstances, just as they compel us, on the other hand, to prevent such an occupation on the part of France and England.
The German War Aim
In the event of a final clash with France and England, the German war aim can consist only in the annihilation of Anglo-French forces, which is desirable in all circumstances. Territorial gain will be of importance only to the extent and measure in which it helps to make possible the destruction of our enemies or because of its strategic importance for the same purpose in a prolonged war. The destruction of enemy forces is therefore to be aimed at primarily, the occupation of enemy territory comes only second. There is of course a compulsory relationship between both these aims.
The Possibility of a Military Clash with France and England
The German soldier was always superior to the French. The historically recognized defeats of Germany by France were the exclusive result of the necessity for isolated German cities or states, unaided by a Reich, to fight alone and to depend entirely on their own resources against the French centralized state. German lack of unity was the only reason for all French victories. On the other hand, the German people, particularly in the last war, proved its soldierly superiority countless times.
The achievements of commanders on the German side have also been greater and more obvious in their results than on the Anglo-French side. The German collapse which took place in spite of this, derived from weaknesses which may be regarded as having been better overcome particularly in the present Reich than in the present day in France or England. This feeling of superiority is not only mine, personally, but is peculiar to all German people and German soldiers. This feeling of superiority is justified. It does not merely depend on the evaluation of earlier historical achievements, but also on the actual course of history in the last few years. The warlike equipment of the German people is at present larger in quantity and better in quality for a great num-
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ber of German divisions, than in the year 1914. The weapons themselves, taking a substantial cross section, are more modern than is the case with any other country in the world at this time. They have just proved their supreme war worthiness in a victorious campaign. In the case of the armaments of other countries, this has yet to be demonstrated. In some arms, Germany today possesses clear, indisputable superiority of weapons.
The tank-arm and air force, at the present time, have not only achieved technical heights unattained by any other state as weapons of attack, but also in supplementary defense. Their operative commitment potential is insured by means of their organization and well-practiced leadership, which is better than in any other country. Their ammunitioning cannot be judged from an absolute, but only from a relative standpoint. Even today, after the conclusion of the Polish war, it is at least two or three times as great per gun as at the beginning of the year 1914. The AA ammunition supply for AA can be described as overprosperous. There is no evidence available to show that any country in the world disposes of better total ammunition stock than the German Reich. The preponderance of weapons that France today possesses lies exclusively in the province of heavier, but also older, mortars; and heavier, but at the same time mostly older, long-range artillery. These weapons are of no decisive significance whatsoever in mobile warfare. The superiority of Germany, on the contrary, consists as far as weapons are concerned, in its new light and medium caliber field artillery, in the great number of heavy infantry weapons, and in the overwhelming superiority in numbers of equipment with antitank weapons and devices, as well as the new machine gun and excellent ammunition.
The tank arm during operations in Poland surpassed the highest expectations. The air force at present is numerically the strongest in the world; the standard of training of the pilots is a maximum one. The superiority of German aircraft has not only been demonstrated in Poland, but is also being revealed by the battles in the West. The A A artillery is not equaled by any country in the world. Its supply of ammunition is, as already indicated, more than ample.
If it must be the aim of the German conduct of the war to destroy the active offensive and defensive forces of our opponents, then time is mostly in our favor so long as the development of British fighting power does not bring to France a new fighting element which would be psychologically and materially of great value to her. What must be prevented above all is that the enemy
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should make good the weakness of his own armaments particularly in antitank and AA, thereby creating a balance of power.
In this respect the passing of every further month represents a loss of time unfavorable to the German power of offensive. Also, from the psychological point of view, speed of action betokens a momentum, not to be underestimated, which is favorable to Germany and terrifying to her enemies. . At present the German soldier is 'again the best in the world. His respect for himself is as great as the respect he commands from others. Six months of delaying warfare and effective propaganda on the part of the enemy might cause these important qualities to weaken once more.
The course of the campaign in Poland has not caused any kind of serious losses to the formations concerned. The losses in any unit do not even approach the average losses in one of the offensive or defensive battles in the west. This easily replaced casualty figure of at the most forty thousand men (of whom part of the wounded will soon be fighting fit, and which in any case is easily replaceable), is offset by war experience of both officers and men which never could be learned or replaced by any amount of peacetime maneuvers. As regards numbers, the strength of the German army forming up in the West is more favorable in proportion to that of the Anglo-French forces than was the case in in the year 1914. This proportion, as already mentioned, can hardly grow less favorable to us in the future, as far as France is concerned, but it may well do so by the gradual arrival of English formations. Much as I refuse to overestimate the value of the present French army, I must at the same time issue a warning against underestimating the British formations. After a certain time their armament program will be accomplished by the demands upon the International industry at their disposal. At the very worst, there is the possibility of their being able to fall back on stocks of weapons remaining from the world war. That they can be employed in a defensive role is certain; for this purpose the English mentality is particularly suited in practice. Practically the appearance of numerous formations of English origin will make the withdrawal of the French people from the war more difficult and above all will weaken the argument, at present so effective from a psychological and propaganda point of view, that France's sacrifice in human lives is greater than that of England.
Therefore, in all circumstances, attack is to be preferred to defense as the decisive war-winning method. The start, however,
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cannot take place too early. The coming months will not lead to any important increase of our own offensive strength, but to an important strengthening of the defensive strength of our enemies.
The German Attack
'The German attack is to be mounted with the object of destroying the French army; but in any case it must create a favorable initial situation which is a prerequisite for a successful continua- " tion of the war. In these circumstances the only possible area of attack is the sector between Luxemburg in the South and Nijmegen in the North, excluding the Liege fortress. The object of the two attacking groups thus formed is to attempt to penetrate the area of Luxemburg-Belgium-Holland in the shortest possible time, and to engage and defeat the opposing Belgian-French-English forces. Meanwhile an attempt should be made to maintain the assault on such broad fronts as will deny the formation of a coherent Anglo-British defensive front with their available forces. The policy will be to occupy only those towns and fortresses which are essential for the continuance of operations. The armored forces must be allotted tasks which will yield the best results, bearing in mind their characteristics. They are not to be lost amongst the maze of endless rows of houses in Belgium towns. -It is not necessary therefore for them to attack towns at all, but it is essential for them to maintain the flow of the army's operative advance, to prevent fronts from becoming stable by massed drives through identified weakly held positions.
In view of the latest experiences gained in the Polish campaign I consider it valueless to launch an armored formation about in a northerly direction toward Antwerp as suggested. The task of the armored formations breaking through East and West of Liege will be one of mutual support, that is, by using their mobility either for the Southern column to facilitate the canal crossing for the Northern one, or for the Northern armored formations to assist the break-through of the armored divisions perhaps struggling South of Aachen by attacking the pillbox lines from the rear, after having achieved their own break-through. More important than the assault on Antwerp appears to me to be a rapid bypassing of it to the West, thereby preventing the withdrawal of the Belgian armed forces presumably concentrating there and thereby also severing the link between the British Expeditionary Corps probably operating there and the Belgian forces. As soon as Antwerp is cut off from the West, the city will be forced to capitulate in a very short time. Its closing off can be left to second- or third-rate troops.
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It is impossible at this early stage to work out a more detailed plan of operation or to envisage or lay down ensuing events and the subsequent decisions and actions to be taken. It is, however, possible and imperative to be aware of the major objective right from the start, namely, to concentrate solely on the annihilation of the living enemy resources. If this should not succeed for reasons not clear at the moment, then the secondary objective will be to attempt to secure an area possessing favorable conditions for the successful conduct of a long drawn-out war—if possible— not only for the German Air Force, but also for the U-boat arm. Decision for the distribution of forces is, firstly, the realization that this plan of action under certain circumstances may result in a most rapid conclusion of the war, and that therefore there should be no limit to the number of troops employed in the operation and that, second, that third-rate troops will be required to fulfill many of the tasks originating during the operation. Secondly, that particularly in order to mount large-scale counterattacks, the enemy will be forced to employ only his really firstrate formations and that after their subsequent repulse or even defeat, he will dispose of second- or third-rate divisions only. Finally, German forces are to be disposed so far as possible from the start with due attention to identified, estimated, or even likely enemy defenses or to the confirmed or estimated concentration of his defensive power. The holding and breaking of these counterattacks is to be considered and insured right from the planning stage of the complete operation, as far as personnel are concerned, by the allotment of weapons. The peculiar nature of this campaign may make it necessary to resort to improvisations to the uttermost, to concentrate attacking or defending forces at certain points in more than normal proportion (for example, tank or antitank forces), and in subnormal concentrations at others. If necessary, mass commitment of AA for defense or attack must be used. The effect of such a concentration of massed effort— particularly of 8.8 cm—will be terrible on attacking enemy tanks, advancing infantry or artillery. The execution of the actual operation demands the highest protection of our own skies by AA defenses and air cover. The conditions experienced in Poland are not to be compared with those which will occur in the West. On the other hand it will be the German Air Force's task not only to destroy or at least put out of action enemy air forces, but also primarily to hinder or prevent the enemy High Command from putting its decisions into effect.
To this end, thorough planning for a scheduled employment of ammunition is to be made. In general, enemy trans-
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port will not be attacked at the stations but on open lines, where a maximum effect can be achieved by low-level attack and minimum of explosive. In this way the object can be attained without the destruction of rolling stock, which is undesirable from our point of view. Repair possibilities on open stretches of line are incomparably harder than in stations because alternative tracks are lacking, and attacking aircraft are not subject to so much danger from A A fire. For this type of target the fastest types of aircraft, employed singly, if no others are available, are to be loaded with only few 10 or 50 kg bombs. The certain interruptions of. a railway route is of more value than the shooting down of an enemy aircraft. Attacks on dense columns moving up from the rear, which are of no battle value but merely of supply value, do not need to cause demoralization but only the destruction of the columns themselves. 10 kg bombs suffice to destroy vehicles, to damage or wound wagons and horses, thereby creating blockages on the roads and obstructing the supply system. The demoralizing effect of bombs is to be employed mainly where required to break the enemy's offensive or defensive spirit. 50 kilogram or heavier bombs are to be used primarily in attacking gun positions, enemy infantry concentrations identified strong points, crowded woods, and columns moving forward to the attack. Attacks on actual towns are to be limited to an absolute minimum since it is not the intention to capture towns or fortresses immediately at all costs; artillery and bombers are to be employed with a maximum of economy. The object of all attacks is not the destruction of inert installations but the annihilation of living offensive or defensive forces. Reprisal raids for attacks on German cities will, initially at any rate, be carried out with very small numbers of aircraft. All those in charge of these impending operations must keep firmly fixed in their minds the fact that the destruction of the Anglo-French forces is the main objective, the attainment of which will enable suitable conditions to obtain for later and successful employment of the German Air Force. The brutal employment of the GAF against the heart of the British will-to-resist can and will follow at the given moment. ,
Time of Attack
The attack is to take place in all circumstances (if at all possible) this autumn. It is essential, therefore, to press on to the utmost with the refitting especially of the armored and motorized formations. It must be realized that in actual warfare in the future it will be impossible to lay up motor vehicles for 3 months.
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after they have been in action for 4 weeks. Similarly, the replenishment of normal infantry divisions, with such small casualty losses as was the case in Poland, is to be limited to the shortest possible time. The advantage gained from a long rest period, in spite of all the training possible, will be less owing to the lack of actual battle-usage which would set in. The fresh "running-in" of formations by their staffs, and the embodiment of fresh personnel, is not to take longer than a fortnight in any division.
Most important is the maximum speed in setting-up the new formations already envisaged, risking the danger that they will not come up to standard of normal first-rate troops. One only needs to recall the condition of evqp first-class divisions after a long drawn-out battle, to be prepared to expect more modest requirements of newly set-up formations without at the same time doubting their employability in the field. The immediate withdrawal of the so-called fortress regiments and the Fortress Division Trier is essential, to be followed by their conversion into six infantry divisions, if need be on only 2 regiments each, or 3 regiments of 2 battalions each, if the third regiment cannot be formed by increasing or reorganizing the existing ones. An expansion of this sort may not be turned down by any formal obj ection; it is the same as the replacement of an infantry division which has been badly knocked about in major operations, with one difference only—that during the World War these had to receive not just a third, but often two-thirds of replacement personnel within a fortnight, with officer casualties far exceeding this proportion. The establishment of division artillery has to be effected in a similar manner if necessary, by completing several companies of the army artillery with men and material from the reserve army, so that such a process requires only a small percentage of the army artillery itself.
To facilitate the assembly of a material reserve to meet any eventuality, the Eastern Army in particular is to be rapidly equipped with captured Polish and Czech weapons. '
Preparation and disposition for this attack will be camouflaged by use of proven World War methods. For this purpose an accurate study of the methods used at that time and of the corresponding orders issued is recommended.
The time for the attack will be laid down according to the number of available formations and approximately suitable weather, the decisive factor being suitable conditions for tank and air warfare during the opening weeks. A successfully introduced offensive may be executed right into severe winter. The weather endurance of the French soldier is no better than that of the.
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German. So far as the campaign does not assume, or if it loses, the character of positional warfare, the ideas "defender" and "attacker" cease to apply and instead there are left on both sides only marching and fighting soldiers. The employment of colored troops is absolutely impossible in the bad season. The German Air Force will lose operational importance the moment the enemy air forces as such will have been badly hit or destroyed. Otherwise the climatic conditions will have an equal effect on both sides. But the German is still the best bad-weather airman.
An offensive which does not aim at the destruction of the enemy forces from the start is senseless and leads to useless waste of human life. To attack with weak and insufficient forces is equally useless. In spite of this—in the event of an early surprise attack by French formations against Belgian or Dutch territory—a line North of Aachen and in Holland offering better defensive possibilities will be reached at all costs.
Finally at every hold-up, even'during the big attack, construction of a defensive line in the rear will be begun, using the materials which otherwise would serve to reinforce the West Wall.