A Yes.
Q Now, Ding goes on to say, "In the presence of the other gentlemen Mrugowsky, commanded me to take part in the euthanasia with phenol in a concentration camp and to describe the result in detail, since neither I nor Mrugowsky ever saw a case of death through phenol." If I understand it correctly, you deny that you ever commanded Ding to do such a thing; is that correct?
A It is very fortunate for me that Ding made this statement in the form in which he did. The other person present at this meeting, Prof. Kilian, says quite clearly in Ms document that in his presence no such assignments were mentioned. That refutes the statement of Ding. I have no necessity to do so either. We learn about phenol deaths in the pharmacology at the University; and we fail in the examination if we don't know about it.
Q Well, in this regard, how would you determine the tolerance of a serum containing phenol, unless you experimented with phenol or unless you experimented with the serum? Isn't there a problem there which should have been given consideration by the members of this meeting?
A Yes, that is true. There were two things to be considered; first, the symptoms of poisoning themselves were very well-known and did not require any investigation. It is known that death from phenol and damages to health can occur, such as appeared here after the use of gangrene serum; and it was a question of figuring out how much phenol is contained in 400 c. c. of gas gangrene serum. For example, that is 2 c. c. of concentrated carbolic acid; and the human body cannot stand that without harm being done. In the second place the possibility was discussed of testing this thing once more by experiments. Prof. Kilian speaks about this in his document. In the conference he reported that, I believe, four or five of his associates, assistants at Ms clinic in Breslau, had injected into their arteries a solution of phenol and table salt, and then all suffered certain symptoms of phenol poisoning. The situation was cleared up by this. There was no need for further experimentation.
This experiment had taken place before the meeting. Kilian reported about it. I said to Ding: "Orientate yourself about phenol poison as such it may become important in course of the war in cases of large doses of serum being given." I told him where literature was to be found at Jena. I said that because I was responsible for Ding's training as a hygienist and a bacteriologist, I am responsible to the state for training my assistants. At the end of their specialized training, I had to give a certificate that they had been properly trained.
For that reason I took advantage of all the opportunities which arose by accident to demonstrate to my assistants rather complicated questions in our field. For that reason I went to this meeting with Ding. I wanted to induce him to think about this question of gangrene, and it is better to do this on the basis of experience rather than on the written orders.
Q One last question, Doctor. As a result of this meeting, Ding then returned to Buchenwald and killed people with phenol injections. You deny that you commanded him to do that, and do you state that Ding did that on his own initiative? Is that your defense to Ding's statement?
A I certainly do deny that, yes. I had nothing whatever to do with it.
MR. HARDY: I believe this is a good breaking point, your Honor.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will be in recess until 1:30 o'clock.
(A recess was taken until 1330 hours.)
AFTERNOON SESSION (The hearing reconvened at 1330 hours, 2 April 1947).
THE MARSHAL: Persons in the Courtroom will please find their seats.
The Tribunal is again in session.
JOACHIM MRUGOWSKY - Resumed CROSS-EXAMINATION - Continued BY MR. HARDY:
Q Prior to the afternoon recess, doctor, we were discussing the phenol problem. Now in this connection did you at any time propose experiments to be conducted at Buchenwald concerning the tolerance of serum or sera containing phenol? That is, did you propose that in 1942 or 1943 or any time?
A No, no such suggestions were made and they were not necessary because in Germany every serum contains phenol. In the German serum industry there is no serum produced without phenol. I am speaking of the sera for therapeutic purposes, not vaccines.
Q Then at no time did you ever propose that experiments be conducted to determine the tolerance of sera containing phenol, is that what you say?
A No, I never suggested that.
Q Are you sure, doctor?
A Yes.
MR. HARDY: At this time, Your Honor, I offer Document NO-1198, as Prosecution Exhibit No. 466, for identification. This is a letter dated Berlin, 24 August 1944, Subject: Service of experiments, it has reference file indexes, addressed to the Chief Hygienist on the staff of the Reich Physician SS and Police, Berlin - Zehlendorf.
"Dear Mrugowsky:
"I am able to inform you that the Reichsfuehrer--SS has approved today the series of experiments proposed by you:
1. specific therapy with typhus 2. tolerance cf sera containing phenol.
"I agree that both series of experiments in the department for typhus and virus research of the Hygienic Institute cf the Waffen-SS in Weimar-Buchenwald should be carried out, and request that I be informed of the course of the findings, perhaps through intermediary reports."
By order of Grawitz Signature is "NICCLAI"
Q Now this states that the Reichsfuehrer-SS has approved a series cf experiments proposed by you and the experiments may be carried out in Buchenwald. You stated that you never proposed experiments to determine the tolerance of sera containing phenol. Now do you maintain, doctor, that you never initiated any experimentation to determine the tolerance of sera containing phenol?
A Yes. The connection here is something quite different. I shall discuss point 2 first. I have already said that in Germany there were no sera without phenol. In connection with this phenol question in German serum, I informed Grawitz about the discussion which is being discussed here, at which Kilian and Schreiber were present, and I told him that the industry should try to produce sera without phenol, as the French serum industry had been doing for same time. I knew that suggestions to that effect had been sent to the industry, but that the German serum industry had refused, during the war, to effect any such basic change in its production because it was not in a position to obtain the necessary special apparatus, filters, etc. I therefore told Grawitz that in serum therapy for ordinary diseases -- I was thinking primarily of diptheria, in which large quantities of serum were used at the time in the therapy against diptheria once it had broken cut, because the highly concentrated serum was no longer available in necessary quantities -- I told him that in such diseases one should watch to see whether damage migrht result from phenol.
and I told him that it would be desirable to know whether serum without phenol would definitely prevent such a shock and etc. I also remember that this point two had connection with the fact we had negotiated with Behring Works for the production of serum frequently in small quantities in order to use them, and to compare them with other serum. If I remember correctly this involved diphtheria serum, that is the serum which is used mostly in Germany. The comparison was to be made of symptoms following the administration of the usual diphtheria serum containing phenol in the children preventing from diphtheria, and which was to be seen whether the symptoms would appear and the symptoms following the administration of the serum freed from phenol were to be noted. This was what Grawitz mean there, and he called that a series of experiments. I might point out that this expressed series of experiments in this case cannot refer to artificial infection, because with diphtheria it is not possible to have a human being artificially infected with diphtheria serum.
Q. Doctor, after receiving this confirmation of your proposals to perform experiments as outlined in this letter, you must have issued orders in that regard. Now to whom did you issue those orders?
A. No, I did not issue any orders. In my opinion this concerns activities of some civilian hospitals; for among the troops, and in concentration camps we did not have any diphtheria patients.
Q. Just a moment, Doctor. But it is said in this letter Grawitz agrees that these experiments can be carried out in Department of Typhus Virus Research of the Hygienic Institute of the Waffen-SS in Weimar-Buchenwald. Did you or did you not carry out these experiments in Weimar-Buchenwald?
A. No.
Q. Never issued any orders to carry out such experiments to Ding, for instance?
A. I have already explained what this series of experiments mean. It is possible that I suggested for example that he was to vaccinate one child with one kind of serum and another child with another serum.
That is possible; I don't remember about that. But to try out serum containing phenol on human beings, that I did not order.
Q. Then as a result of this letter of Grawitz to you approving your proposals, you took no action, is that right?
A. No. I may point out that this has no connection with the Ding affidavit, which also refer to serum containing phenol.
Q. I am not asking you that question. Did you or did you not as a result of this confirmation of your proposals order that experiments be carried cut as outlined in this letter? I am not interested in other phases of experimentation at Buchenwald. Did you or did you not carry out or have carried out experiments as outlined in this letter?
A. I do not know anything about experiments which were carried out.
Q. You told us on direct examination that you had specific therapy with typhus carried out at Buchenwald, didn't you?
A. Yes. I was referring to point two, serum containing phenol, and as to No. 1 specific therapy with typhus, I explained that in my direct examination. Do you want me to repeat it.
Q. No, you don't need to explain it again, You did as a result of this confirmation and proposal pass down orders in compliance with this letter to Buchenwald?
A. No. It was not an order, but a suggestion. As I have said in my direct examination it was not a series of experiments in the sense of artificial infection that would have been senseless, because we had enough people suffering from typhus with whom this therapy could be carried out. It is unfortunately so that in the German language we use a word "experiment" not only in artificial infection but also for tests of such a nature, and that we call them experiments, too.
Q Then you only passed it along as a suggestion and not as an order, is that what you wish to state?
A Just a suggestion to certain internists, that, in the case of typhus, against it we had no treatment, they should test this new treatment, which in a clinically similar instance paratyphus "A" had very good results; for that reason I was of the opinion would have justified in trying it and of the same way in typhus. This suggestion, I believe, went to three different persons, who were internists in the SS hospitals, and I believe they were in Berlin, Prague, and some other hospitals, and it is quite possible that I also made such a suggestion to Ding, because I know that I discussed this matter with my assistants, but not with the purpose of starting a series of experiments with artificial infection.
Q Let's go on doctor. On direct examination you said you knew nothing about high altitude experiments, is that right?
A That is right, yes.
Q In addition you knew nothing about Rascher's Research work at all?
A No, I knew nothing about Rascher's Research work.
Q Now Document No. NO-647, which is Prosecution Exhibit No. 124, which is found on the last page of Document Book 3, there is a note by Sievers which states as follows: "Subject: Cooperation of Hygienic Institute of the Waffen-SS. In reference to my letter 9/2/42, regarding vermin -(reads letter.) Now do you state that Sievers erroneously included your name in this notation in connection with the research of the gastein water?
A Yes, in this discussion I remember this discussion with Sievers in my Institute very well. It was fortunate circumstances
Q Net's not go into other discussions. Did you or did you not discuss the research field of Rascher's with regard to use of the gastein water in cases of freezing, as stated in this document?
AAccording to what Sievers has told me here, he asked me who within the SS hospitals, and medical inspectorate of the SS, of the medical office was competent for such experiments, and he also said that this water was actually used later against freezing in the SS hospitals in Vienna. Of this specific point about the gastein water I don't remember. It could only be a particularly brief question, but we certainly did not discuss Rascher's work of either high altitude experiments, or cold experiments. On those Professor Schadler who is mentioned here, has been here since yesterday, and he will testify as to what we discussed at this meeting, and he will confirm what I have said that we did not discuss Rascher's research work.
Q Now you have said on direct examination your representative or a member of your staff of the Institute attended the Nuernberg meeting on freezing, and he reported to you about the meeting, is that right?
A Yes.
Q. As a matter of fact you stated in direct examination that you visited Dachau itself or that you were unable to get into the inner camp, is that right?
A. I said that in the spring of 1943 I was in Dachau at a food meeting. I was not in the concentration camp and I did not talk to any of these people. I also said that this meeting probably took place after Rascher had finished the high altitude and cold experiments. As far as I remember it was in May, and his experiment only lasted until April, but I was not quite sure whether the meeting might not have been at the end of April, but in any case, and this is confirmed by the affidavit of Pohl, it is certain that I had no opportunity to talk to anyone who worked at this experimental station of Rascher's and had no opportunity to enter the concentration camp, since we were taken oat from munich all of us together, and after the meeting we were all taken back together.
Q. You also stated in direct examination that you received knowledge from Grawitz of schilling's experiments with malaria, but that you had no opportunity to interfere since you were still in the Ss-Fuehrungshauptamt, is that right?
A. Yes, that is right.
Q. Now, you are aware, of course, that schilling's worm continued until the end of the war, aren't you?
A. Yes, that is true. I heard of it here.
Q. Then after you became Chief Hygienist, that is chief of Office 3 in Grawitz office you didn't interfere with Schilling's work either, did you?
A. I did not know at that time that Schilling's work was still going on.
I can testify quite definitely under oath that outside of this intermediary report, which I believe was in 1942, I never had anything more to do with the whole matter, and was quite astonished when I learned suddenly after the collapse that Schilling had continued the malaria experiment in Dachau until 1945. This is my explanation for that. According to the records of the trial at Dachau Schilling approached Himmler by mediation of Conti, and Grawitz told me at the time that he himself had no influence on these matters because they had been ordered by Himmler personally. Grawitz had not been included in the matter, and I believe that is also shown by the record of the trial at Dachau. I was of the opinion that these matters had gone directly from Schilling to Grawitz. That was my opinion until the beginning of this trial here. In any case I never had anything more to do with it. I never read anything about it. I was never told anything about it, and I never did anything. I never took any steps in the matter. I was convinced that it had long been finished.
Q. Well now, regarding the sulfonilamide experiments, on direct examination you didn't deny that the cultures came from the hygine institute to the Waffen SS, did you?.
A. No, that is not right. I only said that it was possible. There is a difference, isn't there? I myself know nothing about it. I was not in Berlin at that time.
Q. Fischer says that the cultures came from the hygine institute to the Waffen SS, doesn't he?
A. Yes.
Q. You were chief of that institute, weren't you?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, regarding the epidemic jaundice experiments you said that you knew nothing about those experiments as presented here, is that right?
A. I learned of these experiments only through the trial.
Q. You never heard of any proposals or never talked with anybody about experimentation in the field of hepatitis epidemica, is that right?
A. No. I never talked to anyone, the things which are the subject of the trial, that is. Of course, I have discussed the disease itself, but never the question of what is the cause, and I never did anything in that connection. I never talked about the experimentation.
Q. You have talked to Gutzeit about hepatitis, I suppose?
A. I don't believe so. I know Gutzeit only visually, and aside from general medical meetings where there were many hundred people I met him only once at a small meeting. That was the second time when I talked to Professor Handloser. There was a question of whether the cholera danger no longer existed. Something quite different. We did not discuss jaundice.
Q. Now, did you ever talk to Schreiber about hepatitis?
A. Certainly not, never.
Q. Any work along the lines of hepatitis was of interest to you as a hygienist, wasn't it?
A. Yes.
Q. Now, wasn't Schreiber, as I recall, plenipotentiary for research in epidemics, in the Reich Research Council for research on epidemics, in the Reich Research Council?
A. Yes, he was, but all the time since ho had held that position, I believe that was since 1945, I had hardly anything to do with Schrieber, because our points of contact were actually in the field of troop hygiene. When we mot each other we always discussed now we could protect our soldiers. That is purely business. But it was no longer necessary later because he had a successor in this office as troop hygienist, and these conversations were carried on with that man. During that time I saw Schreiber perhaps twice, but we never said a word about any experiments or about matters concerning the Research Council.
Q. Did Schreiber ever show any interest in experiments on human beings concerning hepatitis?
A. I don't know. I can't say anything about that. He didn't say anything to me about it. I can't remember ever discussing the specific topic of jaundice with him. We discussed typhus a great deal, typhoid fever, malaria, but not jaundice. That was not a subject for the hygienist but for the internist.
Q. Then he never expressed any desire to experiment on human beings to you, Shreiber?
A. No, not to me.
Q. Did he ever frankly request you to supply him with subjects to be used in experiments?
A. No.
Q. They you know nothing about any plans concerning experimentation on human beings in the field of hepatitis?
A. No, I have no idea about that.
Q. Doctor, I want to give you on opportunity to think a moment and to realize you are under oath here, and I want to give you another opportunity to save yourself from perjury. Do you still state that you know nothing about any plans or enterprise concerning experiments on human beings in the field of hepatitis?
A. I can only repeat that I knew nothing about any plans concerned with the things which are the subject of your trial.
MR. HARDY: I now want to introduce Document No. 1305, which is offered as Prosecution Exhibit 467 for identification. Do the interpreters have a copy? This is a letter on the letterhead of Reichphysician SS and Police, Chief Hygienist, dated 29 January 1945, regarding consent for a series of experiments, addressed to Reich physician SS and Police, Berlin.
"Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Dresel, Director of the Hygienic Institute of the University of Leipzig has cultivated a Virus from persons suffering from Hepatitis and succeeded in transplanting it on animals. "It is necessary to make experiments on human beings in order to determine the fact that this Virus is indeed the effective Virus Hepatitis epidemica. The plenipotentiary for research Council therefore addressed himself to mo with the request to carry out the above experiments.
"I am asking you to obtain authorization from the Reichsfuhrer SS to carry out the necessary experiments on 20 suitable prisoners who have neither to never suffered from Hepatitis Epidemica, at the typhus-experimental station of the concentration camp Buchenwald." Signed Mrugowsky.
Q. Now, Doctor, is that your signature?
DR. FLEMMING: Mr. President, I object to the submission of this document. It has no date, and it has no journal number. I should like to see the original.
MR HARDY: The original has a date on it, Your Honor.
(To Page) Will you kindly get the original from the defendant?
This document is an official German document, Your Honor, certified in the same manner as all others that have been introduced in evidence. Obviously, the German mimeograph doesn't have the date on it.
DR. FLEMMING: The original has a date. Yes, it was just not copied.
THE PRESIDENT: What is the date?
MR. HARDY: 27 January 1945, Your Honor.
BY MR. HARDY:
Q. Now, Dr. Mrugowsky, is that your signature on that document?
A. It is my signature and I can tell you the following about the document.
Q. Just a moment, Doctor. I asked you is that your signature? Yes?
A. Yes, it is my signature.
Q. Now, the Plenipotentiary for Research in Epidemics in the Reich Research Council was Schreiber, was it not?
A. Yes.
Q. He addressed himself to you with the request to carry out the above experiments, did he not, according to this letter?
A. He did not talk to me about the matter. He sent me a letter, and the contents are more or less copied here. I may point out that this letter was written on the 29th of January, 1945. This indicates that it has nothing to do with the experiments which are the subject of discussion here. They took place earlier. It has nothing to do with the Haagen case or the Dohmen case. In this case, twenty prisoners were to be used. Dohmen used eight. It was at the time when there were quite definite directives from the Reich Fuehrer on the assignment of prisoners. You know that only the Reich Criminal Police Office in Berlin could make such assignments, and this office was in charge only of professional criminals. It is true that I wrote this letter and suggested this assignment, but in January 1945 nothing was done about it. This letter has no connection with any of the experiments which are the subject of this trial. Above the address it says "Re: Consent for a series of experiments". There is no reference to any previous correspondence. If that had been the case it would say "Reference" and then the number of an earlier letter or something.
Q. Let's us go on now, Doctor, to another subject.
Were you in charge of the rationing of Zyklon B gas to concentration camps?
A. No. It was issued by the Central Medical Depot of the Waffen-SS.
Q. Now, do you know that in Germany the use of Zyklon B for the purpose of combating dangerous animals and plants was generally prohibited as set forth in the Reichsgesetzblatt dated 8 February 1919?
A. Yes, that is true and because there was this governmental ruling we, in our disinfection school, had special courses for the use of highly poisonous gasses for delousing clothing. There was a course for disinfectors and, in addition, these people had to take an examination to obtain the state certificate for poison. Prussic acid could be used for disinfection use only by state approved disinfectors who had special permission from the state to work with this Zyklon, and the disinfectors who had this poison certificate had the permission and had had previous training so that they knew how to use the preparation. In all the larger camps and at troop maneuvers places we had arrangements for prussic acid decontamination as well its in the big prisoner of war camps of the army. That was the most customary procedure in Germany.
Q. Now, of course, there was a German regulation existing which prescribed in extraordinary cases when the use of Zyklon and similar materials were permitted that these poisons were always to be mixed with an irritant in order to warm human beings and to avoid danger. Was that right?
A. If you mean the following: Prussic acid has no odor or, at least, very little, and a special substance was introduced into the prussic acid compounds so that it could be smelled. In this form it was used, and in this technical form it is not called prussic acid. - that is a chemical - but it is called Zyklon B.
Q. Now, that special substance mixed with it, is that "Reizstoff" or "Warnstoff". Is that right? W A R N S T O F F ? Is that the word you used?
A. Warnstoff, yes.
Q. That can be translated as an irritant?
A. It is to warn human beings to watch out. "This is poison". Otherwise, one would simply breathe it in without smelling it.
Q. Well now, this Zyklon 3 that you used in your delousing program, did that have this irritant mixed in it?
A. Yes; only the official tin containers of a certain size were used. They were delivered by the competent Reich committee; and it always contained this Warnstoff without which work would have been very dangerous, in spite of gas masks.
Q. Now, was it necessary to carefully label the can of gas so that it would be obvious that this gas contained such an irritant?
A. It was not like a water or a gasoling can, but it was a very special kind of tin can which had a label from the firm which had produced it with a colored sign. I never saw any other cans without this sign. Only the original cans from the firm were used, as far as I know.
Q. Well now, do you know whether or not the containers in which the Zyklon B was in .... In other words, do you know whether the containers with Zyklon B which were sent to the concentration camps for extermination in gas chambers contained the Zyklon B mixed with an irritant? Do you know that?
A. No, I cannot tell you anything about that. Until I was arrested I had heard nothing of this type of use of prussic acid, but here I have seen a document from the investigating judge of the SS - Dr. Morgen, who investigated these things in the concentration camps and he testifies that for Auschwitz, prussic acid came from a certain firm in Hamburg Stolzenberg and Company, a chemical firm. I didn't know that this firm had anything to do with the production of prussic acid. I know only three firms which did not include Stolzenberg and he describes a case - and this is why I remember it - a case where a certain prisoner sent the empty cans back to the firm and he also sent back a full one or a half full one which had not been used. That was, of course, very dangerous and that is why I remember the matter. Whether they contained an irritant or whether it was the preparation Zyklon B, I don't know, and this preparation was not issued by the Central Medical Depot.
Q. Well now, this gas that Dr. Morgen mentions coming from Stolzenberg and Company, he mentions that as being the gas that was used in the extermination chambers, is that right?
A. Yes, so he told me.
Q. Well now, the gas that you used in delousing was obtained from Tescha, Stabenow, Degesch and another firm, is that right?
A. The procedure was as follows: In the Old Reich, that is not including Austria and the Sudetenland and the Protectorate, there were only two firms of this kind. The Hamburg Company, Tench and Stabenow, and Herd and Linder in Frankfurt. The Elbe divided the Reich into the districts under each of these firms, and later there was another firm in Bohemia and there was a firm in Kolin. From a special company these received their instructions, as far as I know. That was the Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Schaedlingsbekaemptung, which came from the German company for combating pests and was abbreviated as "Degesch". This Degesch was competent for building Zyklon chambers for delousing clothing and a special procedure had been developed in Germany. We received the permission from this company and I negotiated with the head of the company, Dr. Peters. In the later course of the war, the air war eliminated the producing companies gradually and production suffered and it became necessary to coordinate the need and the materials available. For this purpose, a special committee was formed in the Reich ministry for Armament and War Production where other such committees also existed. The chairman of this committee was Dr. Peters and this committee now rationed the prussic acid to the individual consumers.
Q. Well, let's get to the things at issue. Now, in connection with the gas that was used we'll say in the Auschwitz concentration camp this Zyklon B that you used in delousing was mixed with an irritant. Now, do you accede the possibility that Zyklon produced by Stabenow and Degesch was used in the extermination chambers in Auschwitz?
A. I do not believe so for the following reason: Auschwitz was a very largo camp which had twelve such decontamination chambers. They had a volume of twelve cubic meters. They were used about fourteen hours a day for that decontamination.
One needs a large amount of prussic acid for such constant use, summer and winter. Near Auschwitz I had a hygiene institute, and I know from the head of this institute whom I have applied for as a witness, who is not here yet but he will probably come and be able to testify about this - I learned that these chambers were really in operation every day, but I know that the need for Zyklon was considerably larger than the amount available. Even the entire amount assigned to the SS would not have been sufficient to cover the need of Auschwitz alone, but there were other consumers also. Therefore, I consider it quite impossible that these quantities which were male available by the Central Medical Depot for decontamination purposes could have been misused for other purposes. And there is another reason why I think it impossible. That is because the Central Medical Depot sent them through the post doctor - that is, through medical channels, while the doctor had nothing to do with these extermination matters. I have learned later here that this extermination camp of Auschwitz was not at Auschwitz proper and hence had nothing to do with the medical service of Auschwitz. It was near Auschwitz and had a special name but I don't know the name.
Q. Was the name Kanada?
A. No that was something else, it was a Polich name, and as far as I know now from the various interrogations and material I have seen from the previous conferences the commandant of Auschwitz Hoess was simultaneously with the commandant of the extermination camp; but I know that only from the files which I have seen; I do not know it from my own knowledge.
Q. You did not supply Hoess with any gas?
A. No, definitely not.
Q. I want to introduce Document No. NI-034, which will be offered as Prosecution Exhibit 468 for identification. Now this is an affidavit by Rudolf Hoess and he states in number 2 and paragraph 2 therein:
"I was commandant of Auschwitz until 1 December 1943 and I estimate to that at least 2,500,000 victims were executed and exterminated there in gas chambers and crematories. At least a further half million people died from hunger and sickness, which adds up to a total amount of about 3,000,000 deaths."
Now if you will turn to the next page in paragraph 5, he states:
"Mass executions in gas chambers began during summer 1941 and lasted until the fall of 1944. I supervised personally the executions in Auschwitz until 1 December 1943. After I had constructed the extermination building in Auschwitz, I used Zyclon B, a crystallized prussic acid, which was thrown into the death chambers through a small opening. The older extermination camps Belsen, Treblinka and Wolzek had used monoxide gas. To exterminate 1,500 people between 5 and 7 cans of one kile each of Zyclon B were required. The amount of cans depended upon the size of the gas chamber and upon the weather conditions, that is: 2 to 3 additional cans were required in cold and humid weather.
"A considerable amount of Zyclon B was still available in Camp Auschwitz when the gassing of human brings began. The gas had been used for the extermination of vermin in the buildings and barracks, which were there from the original Polish artillery camp.