A. Yes, my mother at all times throughout her life -- she bore eight children -- she had never been sick. In 1937-38, she started to come into the menopause and then that illness developed. It was a cancer of the stomach and she could not be cured. Apart from that, my mother had never been ill. From 1914-15 on, that is since my birth until 1934, until then when I was sterilized, I have never needed anything from a doctor; no prescription; nothing. That can be found out in Limburg; and it can be shown everywhere that I was never ill. From 1934 until today, I am half-paralyzed, half dead.
Q. During the last stages of her disease, did your mother show any mental peculiarities?
A. No.
Q. In the decision which came from Frankfurt, it was stated that your mother suffered from hereditary feeble-mindedness.
A. But then I would like to show today who it was who really suffered from feeble-mindedness. In this case where a mother had eight children, and gives lung normalities to two of these children and other gratifications for other children, and one picks out just one and says that he has a hereditary disease and he suffers from disease because of the mother --- I assume that either all brothers or sisters should have been sterilized or none of them. That has been found out by doctors that all children -- all of my sisters or brothers and their children--I can show photographs -- even my father, my mother -- that it has never been found out in any case that anything had to be done, but one had to go and pick on a woman who had always worked as a servant. My father was an official of the Reichsbahn and nobody could say that he had been feeble-minded or anything. If anybody had said that about my father, he would have strung him up, which probably would have been the right method.
Q. Could you give us some clarification as to how the Health Court in Frankfurt arrived at that decision about your mother? Has there any county doctor who had come into appearance, who might have given an expert opinion on your mother, or on any other questions?
A. No. But I hope to be in a position to bring all certificates from our doctor Fritz Petschuld -- our family physician who was always our family physician, and still is my doctor. He stood at my bed for two weeks when I had all these difficulties and said that it was the meanest thing, for my mother had been very healthy all the time, and he couldn't do anything about it.
Q. You had a younger brother by the name of Walter. He died?
A. Yes.
Q. The Health Court in Frankfurt stated that he had been feebleminded. What can you say about that?
A. My brother Walter, when he was four years old, fell from a wall and had suffered an injury to his brain, and he died in Frankfurt from a swelling at the place where he had the injury. Then when he was operated on, he died in the course of the operation. Here is his photograph.
THE PRESIDENT: At what age did he die?
THE WITNESS: He died at the age of 19 years in Frankfurt.
BY DR. KUBOSCHOK:
Q. He fell from a wall at the age of four?
A. Yes.
Q. You mentioned before that during the proceedings before the Eugenics Court at Frankfurt, the statement was made: "Progeny do not come out much different than their parents." Witness, will you tell us, whether various questions were put to you to the effect that you were told German proverbs and then you were asked to explain the meaning of these proverbs?
A. He only said that after he had made the decision. They were quite clear in their minds about the whole matter the moment I opened the door to get into the Courtroom. And then they put me behind the bars just like a criminal, and I couldn't even make any statements. I couldn't say anything. I stood there just like a criminal who may have murdered hundreds of thousands of people. One had to speak through the bars, and I wasn't used to that from home.
They asked me about that proverb, but the fact is that we all were healthy, and it would have been quite different if we had all been sick. As proof, I want to say that I had three brothers who were fit and taken into the infantry; one who was an aviator. And last week I adopted a child of my last sister. All my relatives -- everything can be shown here about them--and anybody can see whether that was a feebleminded family or not. I should like to present it to the Tribunal. I should like to submit these photographs to the Tribunal, if I may be permitted to do so. I also have one of my mother.
Q. Witness, did I understand you correctly to say that the judges at the Eugenics Court asked you what you had to say about the sentence: "Der Apfel Faellt Nicht Weit vom Stamm."--what meaning you found in that proverb?
A. Well, they said it that way and that is the way I expressed myself. They probably expected me to react to that proverb, to that sentence.
Q. For instance, you were correctly supposed to explain the meaning of that proverb?
A. Yes.
Q. Is it correct, at least that is the way I understood you before, that instead of answering you just laughed?
A. Yes, because it seemed ridiculous to me that a healthy person was brought there to be sterilized on the basis of purely political considerations. They only wanted to put me on the operation table. Even SA-Sturmbannfuehrer Dr. Seil, before '34, that was before the seizure of power, they said the Red trash would be exterminated to the last, and unfortunately today the man is still alive and he is in the Darmstadt Camp.
Q. While you were in Frankfurt, were other questions put to you of a similar nature as this question concerning the proverb, "Der apel faellt night weit vom stamm."?
A. No.
Q. What other questions were put to you?
A. These judges who conducted the proceedings, the session was closed already at the beginning and they said that as soon is the decision was rendered I could go home. They destroyed a Social Democrat, made a cripple out of him, and we should let that be done to as; and a Jew who is today in the States, I hope he will see what happened to me because he said: I hope these people will be hanged from the trees in twelve years and you will get your revenue; and that I hope to do.
Q. You said today the proceedings lasted about fifteen minutes. You also said--
A. Yes.
Q. You were asked about your data; then political questions were put to you, and then you mentioned the last question about that proverb. Daring these fifteen minutes you must have been asked some more questions. That is why I ask you to remember what else you were asked.
A. Nothing else.
MR. WOOLEYHAN: If the Court please, I object to that question because I think it constitutes argument, for the reason that the witness has already seated twice, once during the direct examination, and several times now, that no further questions were asked.
THE PRESIDENT: His answer to this question was:
"Nothing else." So that would seem to answer your objection and settle the matter completely; he answered before your objection was finished -- nothing else.
MR. WOOLEYHAN: I didn't hear it.
BY DR. KUBOSCHOK:
Q. You mentioned the question from the Eugenic Court, about the birthdays of Goering and Goebbels. Is it possible that your memory, your recollection, there may have been an inaccuracy to the effect that you may have been asked about the position of these two men, and not about the birthdays?
A. It was the birthday. I was asked about the birthdays, and I said afterwards I worked for a Jew whose bread I ate. I said that and I may repeat it today, and there was nothing else to be said about that.
Q. Of this sentence, which is peculiarly remarkable, you didn't mention anything about it at Frankfurt when you were interrogated a short time ago.
A. That wasn't it -- I didn't consider it necessary because I didn't think it was important, relevant, that it had any with, so that it should be mentioned; I just said it so.
Q. One more short question concerning the local conditions in the small town of Diez. You probably still remember the President of the Eugenic Court, Dannhausen, who pronounced the first decision. What was his political attitude toward National Socialism?
A. He was a German Nationalist -- Deutsch National.
Q. Now a Nazi?
A. No.
DR. KUBOSCHOK: I have no further questions.
THE PRESIDENT: Do any other Defense Counsel desire to cross examine this witness further? Apparently not.
MR. WOOLEYHAN: We have no redirect.
THE PRESIDENT: The witness may be excused.
MR. WOOLEYHAN: We ask the Tribunal's indulgence for a minute or two -- until we can proceed with some documentary evidence.
MR. KING: The Court will recall we had some discussion concerning Exhibit 393, which was Document 615--PS. This discussion can be found beginning on page 2710 of the transcript.
The photostatic copy of the document, which we offered, at that time was not clear, and Dr. Schilf objected to its admission for the reason that he personally could not read it. We now have a suitable photostatic copy, and I would like to Court to note that we are offering it to Dr. Schilf at this time for inspection; and following the noon recess we will offer it to the Court to clear up the condition which mas attached to its original admission. That document is in Book VIII-A, at page 64. In connection with Charge IV in the indictment, we would at this time like to read for judicial notice portions of the IMT transcript concerning the organizations specifically covering the leadership corps, the Gestapo, SD, and the SS.
THE PRESIDENT You said Charge IV; you mean Count IV.
MR. KING: Excuse me, your Honor, -- Count IV. The over-all portions from the IMT judgment extend from page 16, 932 through 16,959. We will not at this time read -
THE PRESIDENT: One moment, please. You nave given as the transcript pages. There is a bound volume containing that opinion of the IMT Tribunal. We have been looking at one that is an official volume, and one that would be so much better to refer to than the transcript. I wonder what objection could be made to make reference to the pages in that bound volume, rather than to the more difficult references to the transcript.
MR. KING: I wonder, Your Honor, you aren't referring to the mimeographed bound volume?
THE PRESIDENT: The printed volume; Volume I, they call it.
MR. KING: I think the suggestion is well taken, instead of referring to the transcript of the mimeographed pages, I think it would be better, as you suggest, to refer to the numbers of the printed volume; that was an inadvertence on my part.
THE PRESIDENT: The suggestion has been made from the bench that the German translations might be a matter that has to be taken into consideration. I am suggesting that for what it is worth. Are you now proposing to read from the transcript?
MR. KING: From the mimeographed transcript I have marked in the German version of the IMT judgment the corresponding portions.
THE PRESIDENT: If you desire to read that in evidence, I see no possible objection to that.
MR. KING: I think this might be a partial solution that I read at this time from the mimeographed official transcript, and then later supply the Bench with a keyed version referring to the printed text, so that you would know where in the printed text that portion I read may be found. Would that be satisfactory?
THE PRESIDENT: That would be satisfactory. It is a matter of convenience more than anything else.
MR. KING: I appreciate that; I will do it.
Turning first to the judgment at page 16936 in the English and 16508 in the German, and this is a portion of some length relating to the leadership Corps. May I again recapitulate as to what I am doing, I am offering for judicial notice the entire portion of the pages 16932 through 16969, and will read only certain portions of that entire series.
"Under Sauckel's directive, the Leadership Corps was directly concerned with the treatment given foreign workers, and the Gauleiters were specifically instructed to prevent 'politically inept factory heads' from giving 'too much consideration to the care of eastern workers.' The type of question which was considered in their treatment included reports by the Kreisleiters on pregnacies among the female slave laborers, which would result in an abortion if the child's parentage would not meet the facial standards laid down by the SS and usually detention in a concentration camp for the female slave laborer. The evidence has established that under the supervision of the Leadership Corps the industrial workers were housed in camps under atrocious sanitary conditions, worked long hours, and were inadequately fed. Under similar supervision, the agricultural workers, who were somewhat better treated, were prohibited transportation, entertainment, and religious worship, and were worked without any time limit of their working hours and under regulations which gave the employer the right to inflict corporal punishment. The political leaders, at least down to the Ortsgruppenleiters, were responsible for this supervision. On May 5, 1943, a memorandum of Bormann instructing that mistreatment of slave laborers cease was distributed down to the Ortsgruppenleiters. Similarly, on November 10, 1944, a Speer circular transmitted a Himmler directive which provided that all members of the Nazi Party, in accordance with instructions from the Kreisleiter, would be warned by the Ortsgruppenleiters of their duty to keep foreign workers under careful observation.
"The Leadership Corps was directly concerned with the treatment of prisoners of war. On November 5, 1941, Bormann transmitted a directive down to the level of Kreisleiter instructing them to insure compliance by the army with the recent directives of the Department of the Interior ordering that dead Russian prisoners of war should be buried wrapped in tar paper in a remote place without any ceremony or any decorations of their graves.
On November 25, 1943, Bormann sent a circular instructing the Gauleiters to report any lenient treatment of prisoners of war. On September 13, 1944, Bormann sent a directive down to the level of Kreisleiter ordering that liaison be established between the Kreisleiters and the guards of the prisoners of war in order 'better to assimilate the commitment of the prisoners of war to the political and economic demands.' On October 17, 1944, and OKW directive instructed the officer in charge of the prisoners of war to confer with the Kreisleiters on questions of the productivity of labor. The use of prisoners of war, particularly those from the east, was accompanied by a widespread violation of the rules of land warfare. This evidence establishes that the Leadership Corps down to the level of Kreisleiter was a participant in this illegal treatment.
"The machinery of the Leadership Corps was also utilized in attempts made to deprive Allied airmen of the protection to which they were entitled under the Geneva Convention. On March 13, 1940, a directive of Hess transmitted in tructions through the Leadership Corps down to the Blockleiter for the guidance of the civilian population in case of the landing of enemy planes or parachutists, which stated that enemy parachutists were to be immediately arrested or 'made harmless'. On May 30, 1944, Bormann sent a circular letter to all Gauland Kreisleiters reporting instances of lynchings of Allied low level fliers in which no police action was taken. It was requested that Ortsgruppenleiters be informed orally of the contents of this letter. This letter accompanied a propaganda drive which had been instituted by Goebbels to induce such lynchings and clearly amounted to instructions to induce such lynchings, or at least to violate the Geneva Convention by withdrawing any police protection. Some lynchings were carried out pursuant to this program, but it does not appear that they were carried out throughout all of Germany.
Nevertheless, the existence of this circular letter shows that the heads of the Leadership Corps were utilizing it for a purpose which was patently illegal and which involved the use of the machinery of the Leadership Corps at least through the Ortsgruppenleiter.
"CONCLUSION - The Leadership Corps was used for purposes which were criminal under the Charter and involved the Germanization of incorporated territory, the persecution of the Jews, the administration of the slave labor program, and the mistreatment of prisoners of war. The defendants Bormann and Sauckel, who were members cf this organization, were among those who used it for these purposes. The Gauleiters, the Kreisleiters, and the Ortsgruppenleiters participated, to one degree or another, in these criminal programs. The Reichsleitung as the staff organization of the party is also responsible for these criminal programs as well as the heads of the various staff organizations of the Gauleiters and Kreisleiters. The decision of the Tribunal on these staff organizations includes only the Amtsleiters who were heads of offices on the staffs of the Reichsleitung, Gauleitung, and Kreisleitung. With respect to other staff officers and party organizations attached to the Leadership Corps other than the Amtsleiters referred to above, the Tribunal will follow the suggestion of the prosecution in excluding them from the declaration.
"The Tribunal declares to be criminal within the meaning of the Charter the group composed of those members of the Leadership Corps holding the positions enumerated in the preceding paragraph who became or remained members of the organization with knowledge that it was being used for the commission of acts declared criminal by Article 6 of the Charter, or who were personally implicated as members of the organization in the commission of such crimes. The basis of this finding is the participation of the organization in war crimes and crimes against humanity connected with the war; the group declared criminal cannot include, therefore, persons who had ceased to hold the position see numerated in the preceding paragraph prior to 1 September 1939."
We now turn to the excerpt relating, to the Gestapo and the SD. While the Gestapo is not specifically referred to in Count IV; the IMT Judgement deals with the Gestapo and SD as a single unit, and therefore, in referring to the SD we have too, of necessity, refer to the Gestapo. The excerpt which I am now about to read, may be found on page 16941 of the English and 16511 of the German.
"The internal structure of the RSHA shows the manner in which it consolidated the offices of the security police with those of the SD. The RSHA was divided into seven offices (Amter), two of which (Amt I and Amt II) dealt with the administrative matters. The security police were represented by Amt IV, the head office of the Gestapo, and by Amt. V, the head office of the criminal police. The SD were represented by Amt III, the head office for SD activities inside Germany, by Amt VI, the head office for SD activities outside of Germany and by Amt VII, the office for ideological research. Shortly after the creation of the RSHA, in November 1939, the security police was 'coordinated' with the SS by taking all officials of the Gestapo and criminal police into the SS at ranks equivalent to their positions.
"The creation of the RSHA represented the formalization, at the top level, of the relationship under which the SD served as the intelligence agency for the security police. A similar coordination existed in the local offices. Within Germany and areas which were incorporated within the Reich for the purposes of civil administration, local offices of the Gestapo, criminal police, and SD were formally separate. They were subject to coordination by inspectors of the security police and SD on the staffs of the local higher SS and police leaders, however, and one of the principal functions of the local SD units was to serve as the intelligence agency for the local Gestapo units. In the occupied territories the formal relationship between local units of the Gestapo, criminal police, and SD was slightly closer. They were organized into local units of the security police and SD and were under the control of both the RSHA and of the higher SS and police leader who was appointed by Himmler to serve on the staff of the occupying authority.
The offices of the security police and SD in occupied territory were composed of departments corresponding to the various Amts of the RSHA. In occupied territories which were still considered to be operational military areas or where German control had not been formally established, the organization of the security police and SD was only slightly changed. Members of the Gestapo, Kripo, and SD were joined together into military type organizations known as Einsatz Kommandos and Einsatsgruppen in which the key positions were held by members of the Gestapo, Kripo, and SD and in which members of the order of police, the Waffan SS and even the Wehrmacht were used as auxiliaries. These organizations were under the over-all control of the RSHA, but in front line areas were under the operational control of the appropriate army commander."
We now turn to 16943 in the English and 16541 in the German.
"The security police and SD was a voluntary organization. It is true that many civil servants and administrative officials were transferred into the security police. The claim that this transfer was compulsory amounts to nothing more than the claim that they had to accept the transfer or resign their positions, with the possibility of having incurred official disfavor. During the war a member of the security police and Sd did not have a free choice of assignments within that organization and the refusal to accept a particular position, especially when serving in occupied territory, might have led to serious punishment. The fact remains, however, that all members of the security police and SD joined the organization voluntarily under no other sanction than the desire to retain their positions as officials."
We not turn to the top of page 10945 in the English and 16515 in the German.
"CRIMINAL ACTIVITY -- Originally, one of the primary functions of the Gestapo was the prevention of any political opposition to the Nazi regime, a function which it performed with the assistance of the SD. The principal weapon used in performing this function was the concentration camp.
The Gestapo did not have administrative control over the concentration camps, but, acting through the RSHA, was responsible for the detention of political prisoners in those camps. Gestapo officials were usually responsible for the interrogation of political prisoners at the camps.
"The Gestapo and the SD also dealt with charges of treason and with questions relating to the press, the churches, and the Jews. As the Nazi program of anti-Semitic persecution increased in intensity the role played by these groups became increasingly important. In the early morning of November 10, 1938, Heydrich sent a telegram to all offices of the Gestapo and SD giving instructions for the organization of the programs of that date and instructing them to arrest as many Jews as the prisons could hold 'especially rich ones', but to be careful that those arrested were healty and not too old. By November 11, 1938; 20,000 Jews had been arrested and many were sent to concentration camps. On January 24, 1939; Heydrich, the chief of the security police and SD, was charged with furthering the emigration and evacuation of Jews from Germany and m July 31; 19bl; with bringing about a complete solution of the Jewish problem in German dominated Europe. A special section of the Gestapo office of the RSHA under Standartenfuehrer Eichmann was set up with responsibility for Jewish matters which employed its own agents to investigate the Jewish problem in occupied territory. Local offices of the Gestapo were used first to supervise the emigration of Jews and later to deport them to the east both from Germany and from the territories occupied during the war. Einsatzgruppen of the security police and SD operating behind the lines of the eastern front engaged in the wholesale massacre of Jews. A special detachment from Gestapo headquarters in the RSHA was used to arrange for the deportation of Jews from Axis satellites to Germany for the 'final solution'."
We now turn to page 16958 in the English and 16519 in the German. We only wish to read a portion of that.
"The Gestapo and SD were used for purposes which were criminal under the charter involving the persecution and extermination of the Jews, brutalities and killings in concentration camps, excesses in the administration of occupied territories, the administration of the slave labor program, and the mistreatment and murder of prisoners of war. The defendant Kaltenbrunner, who was a member of this organization, was among those who used it for these purposes.
"The Tribunal --" we skip to the last paragraph now, of the Conclusion -- "The Tribunal declares to be criminal within the meaning of the charter the group composed of those members of the Gestapo and SD holding the positions enumerated in the preceding paragraph who became or remained members of the organization with knowledge that it was being used for the commission of acts declared criminal by article 6 of the charter, or who were personally implicated as members of the organization in the commission of such crimes. The basis for this finding is the participation of the organization in war crimes and crimes against humanity connected with the war; this group declared criminal can not include, therefore, persons who had ceased to hold the positions enumerated in the preceding paragraph prior to 1 September 1939."
Now, on page 16950 -- or rather, 16950 in the English, that follows immediately what I have just read. I merely call attention to the fact that the Tribunal on page 16950 corrects the impression which was erroneous in setting out the portions of the organization which they had previously declared to be criminal. It is a little confusing, and I merely point that out so that in taking judicial notice we can be certain that the portion on page 16590 is included.
We turn now to the SS, on page 16956, in the English, and 16525 in the German:
"It is impossible to single out any one portion of the SS which was not involved in these criminal activities. The Allgemeine SS was an active participant in the persecution of the Jews and was used as a source of concentration camp guards. Units of the Waffen SS were directly involved in the killing of prisoners of war and the atrocities in occupied countries. It supplied personnel for the Einsatzgruppen, and had command over the concentration camp guards after its absorption of the Totenkopf SS, which originally controlled the system. Various SS police units were also widely used in the atrocities in occupied countries and the extermination of the Jews there. The SS central organization supervised the activities of these various formations and was responsible for such special projects as the human experiments and 'final solution' of the Jewish question.
"The Tribunal finds that knowledge of those criminals activities was sufficiently general to justify declaring that the SS was a criminal organization to tho extent hereinafter described. It does appeal that an attempt was made to keep secret some phases of its activities, but its criminal programs were so widespread, and involved alsughter on such a gigantic scale, that its criminal activities must have been widely known. It must be recognized, moreover, that the criminal activities of the SS followed quite logically from the principles on which it was organized. Every effort had been made to make the SS a highly disciplined organization composed of the elite of National Socialism. Himmler had stated that there were people in Germany 'who become sick when they see those black coats' and that he did not expect that 'they should be loved by to many.
' Himmler also indicated his view that tho SS was concerned with perpetuating tho elite racial stock with the object of making Europe a Germanic continent and the SS was instructed that it was designed to assist the Nazi Government in the ultimate domination of Europe and the elimination of all inferior races. This mystic and fanatical belief in the superiority of the Nordic German developed into the studied contempt and oven hatred of other races which led to criminal activities of the type outlined above being considered as a matter of course if not a natter of pride. The actions of a soldier of the Waffen SS who in September 1939, acting entirely on his own initiative, killed 50 Jewish laborers whom he had been guarding, were described by the statement that as an SS man, he was 'particularly sensitive to the sight of Jews,' and had acted 'quite thoughtlessly in a youthful spirit of adventure' and a sentence of 3 years imprisonment imposed on him was dropped under an amnesty. Hess wrote with truth that the Waffen SS were more suitable for the specific tasks to be solved in occupied territory owing to their ostensive training in questions of race and nationality. Himmler in a series of speeches made in 1943, indicated his pride in the ability of the SS to carry out these criminal acts. He encouraged this men to be 'tough and ruthless,' he spoke of shooting 'thousands of leading Poles,' and thanked them for their cooperation and lack of squeamishness at the sight of hundreds and thousands of corpses of their victims. He extolled ruthlessness in exterminating the Jewish race and later described this process as 'delousing These speeches show that the general attitude prevailing in the SS was consistent with these criminal acts.
"Conclusions. The SS was utilized for purposes which were criminal under the Charter involving the persecution and extermination of the Jews, brutalities and killings in concentration camps, excesses in the administration of occupied territories, the administration of the slave labor program and the mistreatment and murder of prisoners of war. The defendant Kaltenbrunner was a member of the SS implicated in these activities. In dealing with the SS the Tribunal includes all parsons who have been officially accepted as members of the SS including the members of the Allgemeine SS, members of the Waffen SS, members of the SS Totenkopf Verbaende and the members of any of the different police forces who were members of the SS. The Tribunal does not include the so-called SS riding units."
That is the extent of excerpts pertaining to the SS which we wish to read at this time, and we, therefore, offer as Exhibit 443 the portions of the IMT Judgment which extend from pages 16932 through 16959, inclusive. With the Court's permission we will offer this physically to the representative of the Secretary General when we have coordinated the pages with the printed text. I expect, Your Honors, that will be this afternoon.
THE PRESIDENT: What did you say about this afternoon?
MR. KING: I expect that we will offer the document physically, together with the references to the printed version of the judgment, this afternoon.
May I inquire now of one -- I see Dr. Schilf has gone out... I wanted to see if he found that document satisfactory. I wonder if we might not take a recess at this time. We will begin either with Document 4 Supplement -
THE PRESIDENT: You can go ahead. He has until this afternoon anyhow.
MR. KING: I thought if he were in the court we could settle it now.
We will begin Document 4 Supplement or with the witness Defrmueller... I am not sure at this moment which will come first after the recess.
THE PRESIDENT: We will recess at this time until onethirty o'clock this afternoon.
(A recess was taken until 1330 hours.)
AFTERNOON SESSION.
(The hearing reconvened at 1330 hours, 12 May 1947)
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.
MR. KING: Dr. Schilf has informed me that he now has seen the photostatic original of the document 615-PS and has no objection to its admission. We therefore ask that the Secretary General replace the original photostatic copy that was submitted as the exhibit by the present legible copy which we now have.
THE PRESIDENT: The conditions that were attached to Exhibit 393 are now removed.
MR. KING: We now wish to hand to the Secretary General Exhibit No. 43, which is an excerpt from the IMT Opinion-Judgment relating to Nazi Organization. This is offered in connection with Count IV, portions of which were read prior to the present session. The page numbers in the official report of the IMT, from Volume I, are as follows; Beginning in the middle of page 257, and extending through the middle of page 273.
THE PRESIDENT: The document will be received.
MR. WOOLEYHAN: The prosecution calls the witness Dorfmueller.
MARTIN DORFMUELLER, a witness, took the stand and testified follows:
JUDGE BLAIR: Will this witness take the German oath?
MR. WOOLEYHAN: Yes, Your Honor.
JUDGE BLAIR: Hold up your right hand and repeat after me the following oath:
I swear by God, the Almighty and Omniscient, that I will speak the pure truth and will withhold and add nothing.
(The witness repeated the oath)
You mat be seated.
