Q. You did not get any shoes or socks, did you?
A. At first I received a few pairs of old torn shoes given to me by the partisan who took my decent shoes away from me. However, I couldn't walk in these shoes so I had to continue barefoot. Later on we took rags and wrapped them around our feet but they came off again and again and because we had no string or wire to fix them. I demanded immediately to be taken to the officer. I was brought to a so-called officer.
Q. You say a "so-called officer." What do you mean by that?
A. I was in no position to recognize him as such unless a partisan had told me he was an officer. I Wouldn't even have known he was an officer.
Q And why not?
A. Because he were no insignia and, according to his uniform, or rather according to his clothing because he didn't wear any uniform, he was not recognizable as an officer.
Q. Was he recognizable as a soldier at all?
A. No, not that I remember.
Q May I interpolate here? What did the other partisans wear, the ones you negotiated with before you came to see the officer?
A. Before that I had not yet negotiated with the partisans, not before.
Q. I mean, what did those partisans wear that you talked to before?
A. I don't recollect, or rather I do recollect that they were no uniform. They were clothes in so-called "robber's clothing." Many of them were barefooted. Their trousers were in rags. Some of them had one she and the second one was missing. Many of them had no coats. In any case, there was no kind of a uniform way of clothing.
I negotiated with the so-called partisan officer and told him once again that I was a chaplain; I was a divisional chaplain and that it might be within the sphere of my possibilities to prevent reprisal measures which might possibly be taken from the Germans. I tried to in fluence him by telling him that down there in the village of Chora many women and children were living and that they would cry for their menfolk if they were shot; the families would be thrown in a disaster if the village of Chora was set afire.
I said: "I myself know many officers. I also know the commandant of Pylos": I could assure him on my word of honor that nobody would be shot, that not one house in Chora would be blown up or burned down if he would allow me and the wounded to set off in liberty. I did not tell him this once; I told him that several times and I made it very clear to him. He must have understood me.
He pacified me and calmed me down, patted me on the shoulder and smiled. I did not, however, think, nor did I have the impression, that he was in the least interested in my suggestion.
Q Did he give any reasons for his rejecting attitude or didn't he say anything at all?
A. He did not give any reasons whatsoever. As I believe and as I am convinced from reasons which can easily be understood, I am firmly convinced, this man did not even want to prevent reprisal measures taken by the Germans because he and the partisans would see in them the best propaganda.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: If your Honors please, that is a conclusion by the witness and I ask his testimony be stricken from the records.
THE PRESIDENT: Objection sustained.
Q Was that the where of your offer or did the offer have any other provisions?
A. At a later time I made yet another offer to the partisans.
Q What do you mean by a later time?
A. A few days later while we marches over the mountains, at that time I did not negotiate with the same so-called partisan officer; I negotiated with other partisans. They were people who also claimed that they were officers but their uniforms did not let me recognize that they were. I made them the following offer. We were 22 prisoners. The 23rd man was a Greek civilian whom I don't want to mention particularly in my description here.
I am only talking about the 22 because I don't want to refer to the 23rd who was a Greek.
I made the offer, or rather the suggestion, that if he would allow me and a mounted partisan to go to Kalamate or to Maecene to the next German position, then I would contact the German agencies in Kalamate and negotiate with them concerning a possible exchange. I suggested that for one of these 22 prisoners of which I was one, for 1, 40 hostages be set free from the hostage camp.
Q. For one German?
A. Yes, for one German set free, 40 hostages set free from the hostage camp. As it seemed to me, they were at first interested in this proposal. Why it finally did not come off, I don't know. During these negotiations we were quartered in a hay stable. Suddenly we started on the march again.
Q. Has that anything to do with the suggestion made by you?
A. No.
Q. Then I would like to interrupt here. What became of the other members of the convoy? Please think back to that time after the surprise attack was over and when you negotiated with the so-called officers. What had happened to the other members of the convoy? You had described that the convoy had consisted of about 70 persons in all.
A. During the skirmish I was only present at one spot of the convoy and, therefore, I could not gain a picture of, nor did I have any insight in the extent of the skirmish. First of all, I and five prisoners were led away. There might have been four. Then we were guarded by sentries and led into the mountains. During this transport I myself was beated so that I had a deep, large wound on my foot which was septic for many weeks.
Q. And why were you beaten?
A. No reason whatsoever.
Q. Will you now please answer?
A. One day -- it was either the second or the third day of our march over the mountains -- we were accommodated in a stable.
In this stable I found other prisoners also.
Q. What kind of a stable was that?
A. I believe I recall that it was a hay stable. Later on we were accommodated very much worse. I remember, for instance, one night -
Q. You mean during the march?
A. Yes, during the march I remember one night we slept in a pig stable and there we had to lie in the dirt and the pigs ran around amongst the prisoners. In this dirt there were stones so one could not sit down even, let alone lie down. Then during the march we slept in schools on narrow benches and in churches. Mostly we had no blankets whatsoever. We were told again and again that they didn't have anything and that's why they couldn't give us anything. The march through the mountains demanded of us considerable physical effort. Great hardships were connected with this march along the climbing and the marching on bare feet on the stony ground of the dried up mountain riverlets, bad food, we were starving and thirsty. Everything was so strenuous and terrible that one of my comrades collapsed several times during the march and I and other prisoners had to carry him.
(Mueller-Torgow)
Q. How long did you have to march each day, - approximately?
A. I did not have my watch because it was taken away from me; from sunrise, -- sometimes even before sunrise, -- until alter dusk.
Q. And how did the march continue, witness?
A. It was particularly hard for us that we had to march barefooted on the stony ground, I remember one instance when we arrived at a village. In this village we were supplied and looked after by a socalled medical orderly; I particularly say a "so-called medical" orderly.
Q. Why do you say that?
A. One of my captured comrades whose name I have forgotten, but I know he came from Moravia, had sore feet and blisters on his feet, and through the marching, stones had dug themselves into his wounds. The so-called medical orderly of the partisans-
JUSTICE BURKE: I wonder if it might be possible to eliminate some of the unnecessary repetitive details?
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: Yes, indeed, Your Honor.
Q. Will you please try to avoid repetitions as much as possible.
A. He tried to get the stones out of the wounds in his feet with a printed instrument, and he did. that with a devilish grin, while he told us at the same time how much one of his relatives had suffered under the Germans. The wounded who was taken care of by him, screamed on top of his lungs, because he could not stand the pain. The consequence of this treatment was that the same man later on could hardly walk at all. The pains were worse than they had even been before. Thus we marched 8 to 10 days approximately. I cannot give you the exact dates. We marched through the mountains, and finally arrived somewhere near Sparta, a little town which is situated in the Taygetos mountains.
Q. What is the name of the little town?
A. Georgici.
Q. Will you please spell it?
A. Georgici. G-e-o-r-g-i-c-i. There in Georgici, we were accom modated in a school room.
This was the same room where the partisan guards stayed. For the first time we received straw there, - plenty of straw. For the first time we received decent food, potatoes boiled in olive oil. Food was adequate, so- that all of us, after the first day of our arrival, hoped that from now on nothing more would happen to us.
The next day, the day after our arrival in Georgici, we were interrogated for a long time. The interpreters in this interrogation were almost all German deserters. In many cases they were soldiers who for criminal reasons, were members of the so-called Probation Battalion, and for criminal reasons they had deserted the troops, - at least in many cases.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: I object, Your Honors, that is a conclusion of the witness. Questions of that kind should be qualified first.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I wanted just now to ask him how he knows that.
THE PRESIDENT: You can qualify the witness.
BY DR. MUELLER-TORGOW:
Q. Will you tell us please then, witness, how you know these facts?
A. I myself had been interrogated by such people.
Q. I beg your pardon, how do you know that they were criminals?
A. I know that because many of these soldiers which I saw there again, I had seen before on my official trips. I frequently visited the 999th Unit, 5 battalions of which were, to the best of my knowledge, on the Peloponnes.
Q. What was this 999th unit?
A. It consisted of probation units.
Q. And what people were in these units?
A. 20 per cent of them, at the most 30 per cent of them, were people we had been detained for political reasons, 70 per cent of them were men who came from the prisons and penitentiaries as robbers, murderers or for other criminal offenses which they had committed, and who were put on a period of probation and given a chance to do their best during war commitments and thus become useful members of society again.
Q. Did you recognize the people who interrogated you there, or do you know from some other source that they were criminals, and that they had deserted?
A. I know it partly from personal experiences which I made from their own uncautious discussions and conversations. I know of one man whose Christian name was Leo. I don't know his other name, and he very proudly called himself Leonidas with the Greeks.
THE PRESIDENT: The witness has stated that he knows of certain criminal characteristics. It hasn't been questioned yet, and I doubt the necessity of going into the details. It is probably unnecessarily lengthening this examination.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I only have asked him these questions because of Mr. Fenstermacher's objection. I had not intended to ask him these things.
THE PRESIDENT: So far as the Tribunal is concerned, it is satisfied. do are not interested in the details. Necessarily we must limit the field in which we carry on the examination. No one wants to restrict you, out we cannot go too far afield.
BY DR. MUELLER-TORGOW:
Q. Will you continue, please, as to what happened to you and to your fellow prisoners?
A. The interrogation, the second day after our arrival in Georgici, lasted about 2 hours. We were assured there that we need not have any fear; that nothing would happen to us. By the way, we were told that earlier. The second day after our arrival in Georgici, toward dusk, suddenly a young partisan officer approached us, gave a few brief commands, and orders to his soldiers, to his partisans.
Q. Was he recognizable as an officer, as you call him?
A. I do not remember that we were any insignia, but I recall that he were a British uniform. He asked me to tell the other prisoners that we would now go on. A brief march of 20 minutes was ahead of us and then we would be getting good food again and could sleep, that they had arrived at the end of their march.
I was just going to interpret these words and tell the others about them, when he and 17 of the 22 prisoners had left the room. One of them whom I had mentioned before, when I said that he had very sore foot and was wounded on his foot, didn't walk. He crept on his hands and knees. I told the partisan then, -- I told the so-called partisan officer, that this man was in no position to continue on his march because his foot were sore.
Again I was assured that he would be put on a mule; that he wouldn't have to walk; he would be able to ride, that I could look out of the window and look for myself, and really there was a mule outside. Five of the 22 prisoners retained behind. I am firmly convinced, and I believe that I have evidence for this, that these 17 men who were led away, were all shot, every one of them.
Q. How do you know?
A. I know that for the following reasons. First, very guardedly, because it was very expedient in my position to be cautious, I learned from the Greek civilian population in the village that they were shot, and even where they were shot in a little forest near Goorgici.
MR FENSTERMACHER: Your Honors this is heresay, and I ask that it be stricken.
THE PRESIDENT: Sustained.
BY DR. MUELLER-TORGOW:
Q. Please continue.
A. The second reason was -
Q. Let's leave these reasons for a moment. Just give us facts, and your own observations. Just give us the facts.
A. Those are facts. The German partisans whom I met there assured me on repeated occasions that this was so.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: Your Honor, I object -
THE PRESIDENT: Will you repeat your statement?
MR. FENSTERMACHER: Your Honor I object on the ground that this testimony continues to be hearsay.
THE PRESIDENT: Sustained.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: If it please Your Honors, the witness is only relating what he himself experienced.
THE PRESIDENT: He made a statement that his information was from what he claimed to be German partisans, whom he understood to be German partisans That necessarily will be hearsay. If he has any personal observations, it is he saw anything himself, that might be competent to ask him. Ask him if he saw anything, and what he himself was able to observe. If he has any information -along that line it might be possible it would be competent.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: The witness was merely going to relate facts from which the Tribunal was to draw the conclusions. I believe that was the object he was aiming at. Even if he cannot claim that he himself saw these 17 Germans killed, because he himself did not witness this -
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will adhere to its former ruling. If you have no further showing, I think the Tribunal will have to adhere to its former ruling.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: Then we will close this particular chapter.
Q. Will you please continue and tell us what you experienced as a prisoner of the partisans? Were you ever exchanged or did you remain with the partisans? What happened?
A. One day a representative of the Greek Red Cross appeared in Gegrgici. I was called and to the right of me sat the representative of the Greek Red Cross who was a civilian. Opposite me sat a man in British uniform. Later on I learned that he was a partisan officer, - was supposed to have been a partisan officer.
Q. Your yourself did not know that from your own observations?
A. I only know it from hearsay. I know it from what others told me.
Q. Was he recognizable as an officer, or as a soldier?
A. One could only see that he was better dressed than the other partisans. This partisan, - so-called partisan officer put a pistol cartridge in front of me and asked me whether I know what that was. His second question was, "Do you want to return to the Germans?" and then he said, with a threatening gesture, "I, myself, want to take you to the Germans".
From this I concluded that in this situation I had to be extremely cautious, and therefore, in order not to endanger my life, I waived the exchange.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: If your Honors please I ask the witness be instru to testify as to the facts and not as to any conclusions which he arrived at.
THE PRESIDENT: Sustained.
Q. Were you later exchanged, witness?
A. I was not exchanged. Then in August, 1944, the same year, started the withdrawing movement of the German troops. I could hear them from where I was stationed, through detonations and blowing up of bridges, etc. Then followed the last battle between the Elas and the Greek National Units.
Within a very short time, the partisans had succeeded in taking one large town after another. The fight for Kalamata only lasted a few hours.
Q. How do you know that members of Elas fought against Greek Nationals?
A. Because the partisans made regular announcements to the populati
Q. In what form?
A. Every evening there was a trumpet signal, and the population in Gergici was called together. One of the partisans --
MR. FENSTERMACHER: If Your Honors please, he is leading the witness. He can testify to what he saw, and what was done, but certainly ho cannot testify that such a thing was a signal for the population to assemble.
THE PRESIDENT: Sustained.
BY DR. MUELLER-TORGOW:
Q. How do you conclude that this was a signal to call people together
MR. FENSTERMACHER: If Your Honor please, that is deliberately asking for a conclusion of the witness in this regard.
THE PRESIDENT: Sustained. Ask if there was a signal, and what happened? If there was something of that character. Let's try to shorten it if we can...
As I said before, we do not want to limit you but you are trying to show, as I take it, the manner of warfare, and the only way you can do it is to give particular incidents, but if possible, endeavor to shorten it as much as you can.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: Yes, indeed, Your Honor.
Q. Witness, how long did you remain in captivity with the partisans?
A. Until the 28th of November, 1944.
Q. Did you remain in Georgici all of that time?
A. No. After Kalamata had fallen into the hands of the partisans, the partisans left the mountains and went down into the valley, and there transferred to Kalamata. They took the prisoners with them.
Q. How do you know that?
A. Because I myself was taken along by them. There in Kalamata I got separated from the rest of the prisoners. First of all, - I shall later on return to the subject again, to give an explanation. Five of us had remained behind. Later on, on another surprise attack on a reconnaissance patrol, the partisans had again made prisoners, and these were also brought to Georgici, so that there were more than the five of us who had remained behind from the first 22.
I remember that there were 10 or 12 such German prisoners, who together with me, were transferred to Kalamata. In Kalamata, however, they became separated from me. These remaining 10 or 12 who were brought to the prison in Kalamata, lived there under the most dreadful conditions.
Q. How do you know that?
A. I saw it myself.
Q. What do you mean by the "most dreadful circumstances"?
A. First of all, they were starving. They received only very little bread during the day.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: The witness testified that the prisoners were sep from him. If that is true I do not see how he is competent to testify as to the conditions that existed, where the persons who were separated from him existed.
THE PRESIDENT: I think he is referring now to the ones who joined him. The question further comes to my mind as to its materiality to the issues involved here. You claim that what happened to this man is material in connection with the whole situation?
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: The Witness, I believe, wanted to describe the way in which German prisoners were treated by Partisans.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, that might be true but is it material to the charge involved here, or will it be helpful to the Tribunal in settling the issues that necessarily must be decided by this Tribunal? There are a lot of incidents and questions that went on down there which this Tribunal can't pass upon necessarily.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I thought it was material concerning the opinion about the Partisans down there, but of course. I shall withdraw the question if the Tribunal wishes.
THE PRESIDENT: You may proceed with the examination along this line briefly. One thing the Tribunal wants to avoid is limiting you on matters which are material, omitting the details as much as possible. You proceed along the lines that you have in mind to a limited extent.
BY DR. MUELLER-TORGOW:
Q Witness, how long did you remain in Kalamata after that and where did you go then?
A On the 28th of November of the same year there were negotiations of exchange between the Greeks and the British occupation forces, and so, on the 28th of November, 1944, we were handed over to the British, and from there came via Corinth, to Patras, and in Patras we remained a few days and then we came to Athens. In Athens we were collected in Camp Godi. On the 13th of December of the same year we were transported by boat from the Port Phaleron, and on the 15th of December we arrived in Alexandria. Since then I have been a British prisoner of war in Egypt, and now, on the 12th of September, 1947, I was dismissed from captivity.
Q Chaplain, did you have frequent conversations with Partisans?
A Yes, I did.
Q What was the subject of such conversations?
A They liked it best to discuss their plunder and murder operations. At least, this is how it seemed to me. They showed me many pictures, also pictures of families which they had taken away from murdered German soldiers.
Q How do you. know that?
A Because they told me so. Also, one of these pictures which they showed me showed the family of a sergeant whom I had seen in Pylos one day before I left Pylos. I had then visited him in the hospital and he used the convoy because he had been advised to be operated on by a doctor in Tripolis. He did in no way participate in the fighting. The Partisan told me gleefully that he was responsible for the fact that this Sergeant was no longer alive. They bragged about their cruelties.
Q Witness, do you know General Felmy?
A Yes, I know him.
Q How do you know him?
A I know him from a visit which I made in summer of 1943 when his staff was still located in Veccina, when I was introduced to him by the chaplain of Army Group E whose name was Rathge. I and my colleague of the 1st Panzer Division had paid a visit to General Felmy, General Felmy led us to a map of the Peloponnes and showed us a brief situation report. He told us where there were the troops and units located which we should visit wherever possible and where we should hold services.
Q Did General Felmy, after the impression which you gained and which might have later on become stronger or not -- you will have to tell us that -- did, in your opinion, General Felmy show understanding for your duties as an Army chaplain?
A Not only did he show understanding but during my work I found immense support and backing in General Felmy. This was of special importance to me because my own divisional commander showed less interest for the welfare work for the units. Thus, on my trips and visits with the troops, I could always refer back to the order given to me by General Felmy and thus many doors opened to me which might otherwise have remained closed.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I have no further questions to put to the witness.
THE PRESIDENT: Are there any questions by other defense counsel? You may cross examine, Mr. Fenstermacher.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: Thank you, your Honor.
CROSS EXAMINATION BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q Chaplain, during the period in which you served with the 117th Light Infantry Division, did you have occasion to see any orders and reports regarding reprisal measures?
A No.
Q Did you consider reprisal measures outside your jurisdiction because they were matters of tactics?
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I object to this question. It does not represent any facts to which the witness could testify. It is a legal argument to which this witness is not competent to testify.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: If your Honor please, I am simply asking why he didn't consider reprisal measures within the scope of his jurisdiction.
THE PRESIDENT: He may answer it.
BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q Do you recall the question?
A Yes, I do. Mr. Prosecutor, concerning the military necessity of reprisal measures, I do not think I am competent to answer as to this question. I am not a military expert and I would like to leave to others the opinion and decision about this question.
Q I am simply asking you, Chaplain, whether it was because you felt that reprisal measures were matters of tactics that you did not concern yourself with them; is that the reason?
A Partly, yes.
Q Do you consider reprisal measures matters of tactics?
THE PRESIDENT: Pardon me, just a minute. I can't see, and I am sure the other members of the Tribunal cannot see, where this witness, a Chaplain, would have any basis of a study or information upon which he could give an opinion as to reprisals.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: Well, if your Honor please, I am trying to get out the whole problem of what are reprisals; are they matters of tactics or are they not matters of tactics.
THE PRESIDENT: Let's get that from somebody who is an authority. I hope it is true that gentlemen of the cloth are no authorities on reprisals.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: Very well, your Honor.
BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q Did you, Chaplain, get to hear anything about the reprisal measures which were taken after the death of the German soldiers at Kalavrita?
A I heard -
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: Your Honor, I object. The witness is asked about something of which he can only have information from hearsay.
THE PRESIDENT: He might answer the question as to whether he heard, as to whether he can then state what he heard is another bridge to cross.
BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q Would you answer my question please?
A Yes, I heard about it.
Q Did you see any reports about that fact?
A No, I didn't.
Q Now, you have testified on direct examination that you assured the Partisan with whom you talked that you would be able to prevent any reprisal measures being taken against his village if he would release you and the other Germans who had been captured at that attack. Were reprisal measures usually taken in reprisal for an attack upon German soldiers in your division area?
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I object to this question also. The witness cannot answer the question in this general way.
He is not competent to do that as divisional chaplain.
MR. FENSTERMACHER: If your Honor please, it is a matter of common knowledge within the division as to whether or not reprisal measures were usually taken in reprisal for an attack of this kind. If that were not so, it would appear completely incomprehensible as to why he made that particular proposal to the Partisan with whom he negotiated.
THE PRESIDENT: He may answer if he knows.
BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q Would you answer the question please?
A I know that in the area of my division reprisal measures took place but only as a consequence or as a counter measure against surprise attacks on our own soldiers, and in most cases only then when they were killed in such surprise attacks.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will take its afternoon recess.
(Recess was taken.)
THE MARSHAL: Persons in the Courtroom please take their seats.
The Tribunal is again in session.
CROSS EXAMINATION (Continued) BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q Chaplain, after the attack upon your convoy and after your capture, you premised the partisan with whom you were speaking that if he would release you and the other prisoners, you would prevent any reprisal actions being taken against that village. Why did you make that proposal?
A I made this proposed in order to save the wounded.
Q Were reprisal measures customarily taken in reprisal for attack upon a German convoy?
A In any case, frequently, perhaps not always but frequently against such attacks in which German soldiers lost their lives reprisal measures took place.
DR. MUELLER-TORGOW: I object, How should the witness know that generally reprisal measures were frequently taken? This is impossible for him to know from his position as divisional chaplain.
THE PRESIDENT: If he knows, he can state; the objection will be overruled.
BY MR. FENSTERMACHER:
Q You said, Chaplain, that reprisal measures were taken frequently. What happened in the course of those reprisal measures? What was done?
A I am rather surprised at your question, Mr. Prosecutor. I think it must be clear to you what the term"reprisal measures" means.
Q Well, perhaps you'd better explain, if you will, please.
A My impression is, Mr. Prosecutor, that here you want to make me give some judgment about a military tactical affair. I feel I am not competent to do that. I can only repeat what I said before. I am sure you would not be interested in my telling you what I only know from hearsay
Q Chaplain, you have testified that you knew that after there was an attack upon a German convoy, reprisal measures were frequently taken, and I am asking you what you understand by reprisal measures. What was done? What was a reprisal measure? What did it entail?
A In such cases, shootings took place, shootings of those persons who were proved to be guilty. In any case, people about whom one thought one had sufficient evidence to prove that they had been guilty and perhaps had been actively engaged in the attack, and in the main, such people were taken and they had to atone for their own actual deeds.
Q You mean then that if persons that participated in an attack or at least if it had been thought that they had participated in an attack upon a German convoy, then those persons would be shot?
A Mr. Prosecutor, the word "attack" seems to be rather military here. I would rather say "surprise raid." I regard the partisans as bandits.
Q Now, were other persons other than those who were thought to have participated in the attack shot in the course of a reprisal measure?
A Mr. Prosecutor, I was not present in the selection of such victims who came into the question for reprisal measures. I was not consulted as an advisor as divisional chaplain, and I can only answer here what I have perhaps heard but not with facts.
Q Now were villages burned in the course of a reprisal measure?
A I don't know anything about villages being burned down. I only know that selected houses in which munition stocks were found, were destroyed.
Q You stated that you spoke to the partisan with whom you were negotiating for your release and the release of the others who were with you, that if they would release you you would try to prevent the shooting of men from the village and also to prevent the village itself from being burned down. Why did you mention the burning down of the village?
A My main idea was to save the wounded and, therefore, it was in my interest and in the interests of the wounded, first of all, to describe the danger to which the band partisans were exposed from the German side, as great as possible to them.