THE MARSHAL: Tribunal No. 2 is again in session.
MR. MCHANEY: Before turning to Document Book No. 10, I should like now to offer formally one of the documents for which I reserved a number in Book 9. The Tribunal will recall that the index showed Document No-390, which was a typographical error. It should have been NO-590, which was an affidavit of one Ferdinand Holl concerning the Lost gas experiments by Dr. Hirt in the Natzweiler concentration camp This document should be inserted in Book 9 following Page 48 and for identification within the book the book itself, it might go in as Page 48A. I reserved the Exhibit No. 236 and accordingly offer Document NO-590 as Prosecution Exhibit 236. I shall not read the affidavit. It outlines the observations of the affiant during the time when he was stationed in one of the departments of the hospital at the Natzweiler concentration camp. He mentions in here that in some cases the experimental subjects drank a liquid before being injected with the gas. I might point out to the Tribunal that this liquid to which he makes reference but does not explain was undoubtedly a solution containing vitamins because Hirt had developed the theory that drinking certain vitamins, particularly Vitamin A, offered considerable protection against the pernicious effects of mustard gas, so I think it is quite clear that what the experimental subjects were drinking was a solution of vitamins, Vitamin A.
I turn now to Document Book No, 10, which concerns itself with euthanasia as carried out in the concentration camps, I outlined rather briefly in my opening statement the operation of the euthanasia program. It is not contended by the prosecution that the Defendant Pohl or the WVHA had administrative control or were prime movers in the euthanasia program. We do contend, however, that the program was extended to concentration camps and that thousands of inmates were transported from the concentration camps to the extermination centers of the euthanasia program and there executed under the pretense that the inmates suffered from some mental disability.
The first document in the Book on Page 1, is Document NO-2680, Prosecution Exhibit 280. This is an extract from the judgement of the IMT which makes reference to the euthanasia program and contains a finding that exterminations carried out under the euthanasia program were murder. That extract concerns primarily the judgment against Frick in Case No. 1 before the IMT. Frick was up until August 1943 with the Ministry of the Interior. The Ministry of Interior was one of the agencies through which the euthanasia program operated. That is, it was carried out through some of the facilities of the Ministry of the Interior. Himmler succeeded Frick as Minister of the Interior in the latter part of 1943. I would just like to point out to the Tribunal the IMT estimated that some 275,000 people were killed during the course of the euthanasia program. I am not sure that I offered this as Prosecution Exhibit 280.
The document on the next page, NO 630-PS, will be Prosecution Exhibit 281. This is offered simply as one of the basic documents to show how the euthanasia program operated and the persons who were appointed by Hitler to supervise its execution.
THE PRESIDENT Can you tell us who Reichsleiter Bouhler was?
MR. MC HANEY: Boulhler was a member of the Fuehrer's Chancellery and the Fuehrer's Chancellery, together with Defendant Karl Brandt in the medical case were the primary agencies through which the program was carried out. In this document, dated 1 September 1939, Hitler charges Bouhler and Brandt with the responsibility, as they put it, of enlarging the authority of certain physicians to grant what is called a mercy death to persons who according to human judgment are incurable. I would point out that the word, "insanity", does not appear in this Fuehrer letter or order or, in other words, those who might be subjected to euthanasia were not limited to insane persons at all but to those described as "incurable", and, as a matter of fact poisons who were simply over-worked, exhausted, feeble minded persons, persons with severe cases of tuberculosis, syphilis, and similar diseases, were executed pursuant to this program.
Following the issuance of this order 1 September 1939, which is Prosecution Exhibit 281, a rather earnest machinery was set up to carry out the program. That machinery is described in Document NO-426 on page 3, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 282. This is an affidavit of the Defendant Brack in the medical case. Brack was a subordinate of Bouhler in the Fuehrer's Chancellery, and Brack was very active in the euthanasia program. They had set up an organization which had its headquarters in a place in Berlin, the street address of which was Tiergartenerstrasse 4, and the organization of the euthanasia program came to be known as T-4, which was an abbreviation of the street address. In brief, certain experts were appointed by Brandt and Bouhler and it was the task of those top experts to study the questionnaires which were sent in to T-4 from the asylums all over Germany. We shall see a sample of these questionnaires at a little later point in the document book, but, in any event, questionnaires were filled out by directors of all insane asylums in Germany. These questionnaires flowed back by various channels and were studied by top experts. The top experts reviewed these questionnaires and made a positive or negative judgment. A positive judgment was that a men would be subjected to euthanasia, to the contrary if the judgment was negative. Having reached a positive or negative judgment an order or list of poisons within a certain asylum was sent from T-4 to that asylum. Those persons were then moved generally to a collecting station where a larger group was gathered and then from the collecting station they were shipped to one of the euthanasia stations which was the point at which the persons were executed, normally by gas. That briefly is a very simple explanation of how the program actually operated. The affidavit of Brack here gives you considerable more detail. For the purpose of this case it is not necessary to know all the fine points of the operations of the program, because we are interested here only in the program as it applied to the concentration camps.
So I might point out in the affidavit of Brack on page 6 in the middle of the page is lists of Euthanasia extermination institutes, and there are six that are listed already. I want to call the Tribunal's attention to Hartheim and to Bernberg. Hartheim was the Euthanasia station located near Linz, Austria. Bernberg, I don't know exactly its location. It was much farther north in Germany, and it was apparently these two extermination centers to where as concentration carps the inmates who were subjected to euthanasia were sent to be killed, and we will see reference to those two places in the documents to be presented later.
As a matter of interest I might also point out on page 7 of this affidavit, paragraph 14, page 7 of the Document Book Brack outlined the part which the doctors trained in the euthanasia program played in the extermination of Jews, and he said in paragraph 14 and paragraph 15 that some of these doctors were shipped from the extermination centers of the euthanasia program to the East to assist in the mass extermination of Jews in Lublin and in Globocnik, which I had mentioned to the Tribunal before, and also I think one or two went to Auschwitz, although he did not clearly state so here. There was a certain Dr. Eberle, who was one of the doctors at Auschwitz who played a very substantial part in the extermination of the Jews, and as I understand they welcomed Eberle who was trained in mass executions in the euthanasia program.
On page 10 of the Document Book, we have Document No. 1151-PS which will be paragraph 283. These documents are not really in proper arrangement, so I shall skip around through it and properly connect it up for the Tribunal. Beginning on page 10 through page 13 we have a sample of the questionnaire which was used in the euthanasia program. I shall first ask the Tribunal to turn to page 15, which is a matter dated 10 December 1941, from Liebehenschel, who was at this date a member of the concentration camp inspectorate, and he is here sending this letter to the camp commandants at Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz, Flossenburg, Gross-Rosen, Nouengramme and Niederhagen, and he advises these concentration camps that the Doctors Commissions will he appearing in certain named concentration camps to make the selection of prisoners for "Action 14-F-13."
Now if the Tribunal will look at the reference at the top of this letter, it first states "Doctor's Commissions" and it states, "Reference: Former correspondence of the 12th November 1941, 14-F-13. That apparently was the file number in the office of the inspectorate of the concentration camp, was that file number came to be known as the code name for the execution of the euthanasia program in the concentration camps. This letter goes on to state that during the first half of January 1942, the Doctors Commission will visit the camps of Flossenburg, Gorss-Rosen, Neuengramme, and Niederhagen, and that their examinations should be shorten as much as possible. He said that he is enclosing a form of a questionnaire, and he directs that those questionnaires be filled out by the concentration camps itself before the arrival of the Doctors Commission. Now what that meant, of course, was that the concentration camp doctors themselves initialed or screened the prisoners who were considered to be eligible for the euthanasia. Then they filled out the questionnaire which was enclosed with this letter of those prisoners insofar as they could. The Doctors Commission then came in at a later date, and examined, as we shall see the significance of the word a little later, some of those filled out as being eligible, and selected those to be subjected to the program. Those selected were then sent over to the concentration camp, to either Bernburg or Hartheim, and there executed. Consequently, as the Tribunal can see, the concentration camps played an important part in the program, which was not only the situs at which the people were picked out, but the concentration camp physicians made an initial selection, and the concentration camp supervisory authority in the inspectorate of the concentration camp, and later on to a certain extent controlled the whole matter. Supervising of it, of course, was by Bouhler and Brandt and his agency, which did supervise it as a whole, but on page 16, the last paragraph of the letter, it states there:
"Following the completion of the examination the inspector of the concentration camp is to make a report in which the number of the prisoners who were directed for the special treatment 14-F-13 are to be mentioned. The exact time of the arrival of the Doctors Commission will be announced in due time."
Now it happened as we can see on page 14 of the Book, that Liebehenschel failed to include the sample questionnaire. He said it was included in his letter sent to Himmler, and on page 10 we see the sample questionnaire, and I shall not take the time to analyze the particular structure of the questionnaire. I would like to point out again that this particular sample has the name of the executioner of the concentration camp, Wewelsburg. Of course, we can expect that this action was familiar also to the defendant Klein, since he spent a considerable part of his time at Wewelsburg.
I now move to page 26 in the Document Book. The court will recall that this is Liebehenschel's letter; the letter was dated 10 December. Later on, on page 26, is the date, 16 December, six days later, and this letter is an internal memorandum within the concentration camp of FrossRosen and six days later in Gross-Rosen 293 inmates had been selected as eligible for transport. It breaks down the 293, 70 inmates from the ward, 104 from the blocks, and 119 Jews. I call the Tribunal's attention to the last paragraph which makes it rather apparent that the camp had received an order, that you are to ship transport such and such a number, giving the fixed figure, because the gentleman who wrote this letter said since the transport is planned for a later date, he requested the number of inmates be exceeded by 43 in order to make room for eventual losses. In other words, it appears to me that they were ordered to pick out 250 and to throw these in for a good measure he picked out 293, 43 in excess on the eventuality that 43 might die before that transport reached its destination. How one in Berlin can initially decide they had 250 in camp that should be exterminated under the euthanasia program is, of course, only to see this letter on page 26, that at least 293 inmates who were actually selected within the camp before the Doctors Commission arrived, and that list is again on page 17 of the Document Book, and I believe that the Tribunal will find it most illuminating to glance briefly at the heading of the prisoners on this list, of those selected for transport in the concentration camp Gross-Rosen.
I might say right now that the document in this book will permit us to follow this whole action within Gross-Rosen from the time it started, 10 December 1941, until 127 of the inmates were selected who were exterminated in Bernberg on 2 April 1942. I think every one of the necessary documents you will find in this book. This is an initial--
THE PRESIDENT: Go ahead.
MR. McHANEY: This is an initial selection within the concentration camp of Gross-Rosen with the 293 inmates, beginning on page 17, and first they listed those in protective custody. On page 19, Jews who were habitual criminals, and Jews who were shirkers, and in this list is also Jews who defiled the race.
JUDGE MUSMANNO: What is your definition of that phrase "Jews who defile the race."
MR. McHANEY: Jews who defile the race?
JUDGE MUSMANNO: Yes. The phrase seems to be used frequently, and I don't know that I have ever seen a definite statement on just what is meant by "Defiling the race." I don't know -- does it mean, marriage, or intimate relationship, or just what?
MR. McHANEY: I don't know just how much light I can throw on it, or to shape a comprehensive explanation. I can say that I think any one of the defense counsel can do it better. The German word is "Rassenschande" which means racial exclusion or racial disgrace, and I think it probably requires a multitude of sins, such as an intercourse between Jew and Aryian, and I think it applies in both cases, that both parties have committed a crime; of course, on the part of the Jew it is much more serious.
Of course, there are a lot of instances in which they were actually executed for that crime. In German I an quite sure it was "Rassenschande," racial exclusion. How much further than that it goes, I don't know.
JUDGE MUSMANNO: I see that you are just as far at sea as I was.
MR. MC HANEY: Yes, indeed.
Now, on Page 20 we have left the Jews who have been selected, and we come to the Aryans. The first one is "Prisoners in Protective Custody", and "Habitual Criminals", and then on Page 21, "Poles in Protective Custody". The defendants in the Medical case who were charged with euthanasia have contended long and hard that this program was limited to German nationals, to German citizens. It was a German law and could validly be applied to German citizens.
It so happens that in the so-called Hadamar case, tried by a United States Military Commission, it was found to constitute murder for non-German nationals to be executed pursuant to the euthanasia program. We read the judgment of the IMT to hold that any one executed pursuant to the euthanasia program constituted murder, and we think that the extract that we have put into evidence here so holds that whether it is a non-German national or German national, it nonetheless constitutes a crime under Control Council Law Number 10 or the London Charter.
In any event, the proof clearly shows that non-German nationals were subjected to the program, and on Page 21 we see that there is a list of Poles included, and on Page 22, Czechs.
THE PRESIDENT: What is S.A.W.?
MR. MC HANEY: I have never been able to discover. We have asked several people, and they don't know either. I can not say what that is.
On Page 22 is the laconic term "Shirkers" again.
On Page 24, additional Poles; and on Page 25, some more Czechs.
I move now to Page 28, a letter dated 10 January 1942 from Liebehenschel to the concentration camp Gross-Rosen, in which the camp commander is informed that Dr. Mennecke will undertake the selection of the inmates from the concentration camp Gross-Rosen beginning on 16 or 17 January 1942.
In other words, after the selection of the 293 inmates which occurred on 16 December, a member of the doctors' commission is coming to Gross-Rosen on 16 or 17 January to make his selections from that group of 293, and the man who went there was Dr. Mennecke. He testified in the Medical Case, and we shall offer an extract of his testimony at a later point.
Now, the next document is on Page 29, and this is a letter from the concentration camp Gross Rosen, dated 3 March 1942 to the mental institution, Bernburg, which, the Tribunal will recall, was one of the extermination centers of the euthanasia program. Of the 293 inmates selected in December 1941, they have narrowed the list down to 214 inmates. The mental institution Bernburg is given a copy of the list by this letter of 3 March 1942. Pardon me -- I analyzed that incorrectly. This letter is from Bernburg to Gross-Rosen, and it forwards a list of 214 inmates definitely selected by the doctors' commission. In other words, Mennecke, having made his selection Gross-Rosen and taken the questionnaires back to Berlin with him, apparently compiled the list of 214 names from the 293, sent that list to Bernburg, and Bernburg is now sending the list back to Gross-Rosen and ordering them to transport these 214 inmates to Bernburg and gives the instructions in this letter.
The list we have, and it begins on Page 30, and, without going through all the mechanics, the Tribunal can, by taking the initial list of 293 names picked out in Gross-Rosen which gives the nationality of Czechs and Poles, comparing it with this list of 214 names, which constitutes the selections for extermination from the total group of 293, you can compare the names, and it will show that at least 51 Czechs and Poles appear among these 214 names, showing that a substantial percentage was non-German nationals.
We have made no effort to try to analyze the number of Jews, whose nationality was not listed or included in this list. There are a very substantial number of Jews in this list of 214 names, and we have not analyzed it by the birth places, which are given in some instances, to see whether or not there were some non-German Jews among those. Of course, it would be highly coincidential if there were not.
Now, then, the only question open is actually how many people were transported. We had 293 selected, narrowed down to 214 by the doctors' commission, and now the only question is how many went from Gross-Rosen to Bernburg. That information is also contained in the documents. On Page 37 we find a teletype dated 25 March 1942 from Liebehenschel to Gross-Rosen asking how many inmates had been transferred for "special treatment", 14 F 13. The reply is on Page 38, and note that the reply is sent to the SS Economic and Administrative Main Office, Section D, so that by 26 March 1942 Amtsgruppe D controlled concentration camps and was under the defendant Pohl and part of the WVHA. The camp commander in this teletype says that 214 inmates were selected for "special treatment." "From this number 70 were transferred on 17 March and 57 inmates on 10 March 1962. Between 20 January and 17 March, 36 of the selected inmates died. The remainder of 51 inmates consists of 42 Jews who are able to work and 10 other inmates, who have regained their strength owing to a temporary cessation of work (camp closed between 17 January and 17 February 1942) and who will therefore not be transferred."
Of course, the addition of the commander was either wrong or they made a mistake in the transcription, because he says 42 Jews plus ten other inmates, which does not add up to 51 but to 52.
In any event we see that 127 inmates were shipped out to Bernburg, 36 died before they could be shipped, and 51 who had a respite from work for a period of 30 days again became able to work and consequently were not shipped.
This shows that the basic consideration in whether or not to subject an inmate to euthanasia was the ability to work.
That conclusion is further borne out by the document on page 40, which is a circular memorandum by Liebehenschel to a number of concentration camps which shows that he was very much nettled by the fact that 51 of the inmates were selected who again became able to work, and he emphasizes again that nobody who is able to work shall be included.
On Page 42, Document NO 1873, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 284, the Tribunal will recall that the Gross-Rosen inmates were shipped out in two groups, one on 17 March with 70 prisoners, and the other on 19 March with 57 prisoners, a total of 127. Prosecution Exhibit 284 constitutes the transport list of 17 March. This is a list of 70 persons who were actually shipped from Gross Rosen to Hamburg, and of the 70 listed, 27 of them are Czechs and Poles.
On Page 46, NO 158, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 285, is the transport list of 19 March 1942, and it accounts for the remaining 57 inmates who were shipped. I have not analyzed in this document the number of non-German nationals.
The last document in this series of proofs is on Page 52, Document 1234-PS, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 286. There is some duplication in the first three pages of this document, so I shall not refer to them. I just want to call the Tribunal's attention to that portion of the document on Page 55. This is a memorandum dated 3 April 1942 from the camp commander of GrossRosen to Amtsgruppe D of the WVHA:
"Subject: Special treatment 14 f 13.
"Headquarters concentration camp Gross-Rosen report that the special treatment of 127 prisoners was concluded on 2 April 1942."
So we knew that these 127 inmates of the concentration camp Gross-Rosen who arrived in Bernburg at the latter part of March were all exterminated by 2 April 1942.
On Page 56, Document NO-907 will be Prosecution Exhibit 287, and this begins a series of documents dealing with the activities of Dr. Mennecke, who was a member of the doctors' commission to visit various concentration camps to make selection of persons to be subjected to euthanasia. On the first page, page 56 - this document, incidentally, constitutes extracts from letters written by Dr. Mennecke to his wifethe second letter is dated Weimar, 25 November 1941. Weimar, if the Tribunal please, is the town near which the concentration camp Buchenwald was located, frequently called Weimar Buchenwald. This letter shows and states that Dr. Memmecke visited the concentration camp Buchenwald at about the time the letter was written where he contacted the Defendant Hoven in the medical case, and subsequently picked out a number of Aryans and 1200 Jews who were subjected to euthanasia.
Page 57, in his letter at the top of the page, Dr. Mennecke tells us about how long the Jews were examined to see whether euthanasia was justified. He says: "Afterwards we continued our examination until about 1600 hours. I myself examined 105 patients, Mueller 78 patients, so that finally a total of 183 reports were ready as a first portion. As second portion a total of 1200 Jews followed, all of whom do not need to be 'examined', but where it is sufficient, to take the reasons for their arrest from the files, often very voluminous and to transfer it to the reports. Therefore it is merely a theoretical work."
Dropping down also on Page 57 to the letter, 12 January 1942, the Tribunal will see the name Dr. Schidlausky mentioned in the letter. The mention of that name plus the date line on the letter proves that Dr. Mennecke was on that date at the concentration camp Ravensbruck, because Schidlausky was the chief doctor at Ravensbruck, which was located near the town of Fuerstenberg.
On Page 58, in his letter of 14 January 1942, in the last paragraph on the page where it starts off, "21.40 hours Cafe Exelsior. After having written a letter of three pages to Karl and also a copy (enclosed) I am able to continue to inform you, Mummy:
Now we will still go to Gross Rowen." The Tribunal will recall that our previous document mentioned that Mennecke did appear in Gross Rosen on the 16th or 17th of January, 1942.
Turn now to Page 62, Document NO-2635 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 288, Page 62, Document NO-2635, Prosecution Exhibit 288. This is a copy, extract of the testimony of Dr. Fritz Mennecke on his activities in the euthanasia program. It runs for a number of pages, from Page 62 to Page 109. It gives the Tribunal a very good picture of the operation of the program as a whole. I want to point up some language on Page 74 if his testimony of direct examination towards the bottom of the page. Mennecke was asked the question:
"Q. Doctor, was the personal data of the concentration camp inmates already filled out when you arrived at the concentration camp?
"A. Yes.
"Q. Was that done by the camp doctor?
"A. He probably ordered it. The office no doubt did it." He goes on to state that he dealt with the camp doctor on his visits there, that the camp doctor had previously selected the group of inmates eligible, that he surveyed that group initially selected by the camp doctors. On the next page, Page 75 of the English, Mennecke was asked the question:
"Q. Doctor, were all of the concentration camp inmates selected, actually insane?
"A. No.
"Q. Will you explain your answer, please?
"A. By insanity we mean a disease which shows characteristic interferences with the mental activity which I will not describe but I will call them characteristics. That is what we mean by insanity. That condition, in the majority of cases of inmates in the concentration camps, was not true.
"Q. Were any inmates selected only for the reason that they were unable to work?
"A. That is possible.
"Q. Were people selected who had diseases other than those of the mind, such as tuberculosis?
"A. Yes, Such people were also included."
On Page 76 at the middle and the bottom of the page Dr. Mennecke was taken over some of the letters which we have also introduced, and he testified that he actually made no examination of the Jews, that he took the Jews who were presented to him, filled out the questionnaires on the reasons for their arrest, and that was that. He said in the second answer from the top of the page, "Well, it wasn't important to examine the Jews. The important fact was for the leadership of the program to find out what the reasons for their arrest were. The situation was that these Jews, in every case, were healthy, physically and mentally."
I think that is all I wish to bring the Tribunal's attention to in Dr. Mennecke's testimony.
I come now to Page 113. The Tribunal will find there a series of pictures. These are pictures of Jews who were selected for the euthanasia program. On the back of each picture is written the reasons for the arrests of the Jews. Now, in order to verify these pictures, which, of course, are not self-proving, the certification appears at Page 113 and is identifying document NO- 3060. Now, the pictures themselves also bear the document number NO- 3060 and are offered now as Prosecution's Exhibit 289.
This authentication shows these pictures were supplied to us by a Tribunal before which Dr. Mennecke was tried and sentenced to death for his part in the euthanasia program.
Also part of the same document, beginning on Page 115, the Court will find the translation of the notations which appear on the back of these pictures. I quoted from several of them in that part of the opening statement dealing with euthanasia, or rather Mr. Hardy did, and I shall not repeat them here. The Tribunal will find that a great number of these Jews were arrested for rassenchande, others were said to have dealt in the black market, others were listed as simply Talmudic Jews. I am sure the Tribunal will find it interesting to see the reasons why these Jews were arrested, which reasons were considered sufficient to exterminate them, to justify exterminating them.
The Tribunal may find some confusion in the arrangement of this document. On page 110 in the document book do you find Document NO-3060 continued? Pages 110, 111 and 112 should actually follow page 121. In other words those pages, 110, 111 and 112 are translations of the comments on the backs of these pictures.
Now, there is one open element in the proof with respect to these pictures, and that is the proof as to the handwriting on the back of these pictures. It is actually the handwriting of Dr. Mennecke which is proved by Document NO-2436 on page 139 of the document book. That document also was out of order. In order to avoid confusion I will give it a new document number, a new exhibit number, although in fact it really simply authenticates these pictures. I shall offer it as Prosecution's Exhibit 290.
Going back now to Page 122 we have Document NO-429 which I offer as Prosecution Exhibit 291. This is an affidavit by the Defendant Hoven in the medical case. He makes reference in Paragraph 9 on page 125 to the shipment of Jewish prisoners to the euthanasia station at Bernburg for extermination. That is on page 125. I shall not read from it.
The next document is on page 127, Document NO-2636, which will be prosecution's Exhibit 292. The following series of documents, there are about three, are included merely to show the systematic selection of inmates from various concentration camps and their extermination under the euthanasia program. Now, we have covered Gross Rosen. We have also covered Buchenwald, both in the testimony of Mennecke and in the affidavit of Hoven. I might also say the affidavit of Hoven mentions a number of other concentration camps visited. Buchenwald is further covered by this affidavit on page 127, which is an extract of the testimony of Ferdinand Roemhild in the medical case. That is Prosecution's Exhibit 292.
On page 131 is Document NO-2635 which will be Prosecution's Exhibit 293. This is an extract from the testimony of Walter Neff in which he states he heard of the Action 14 F 13, that it constituted the shipment of invalids to a place near Linz, which in fact was Hartheim. I have stated it was located near Linz in Austria.
THE PRESIDENT: It is time for adjournment.
MR. MC HANEY: We have two documents, your Honor. If I can just offer them, I have no comment.
On page 138, Document NO-2638 will be Prosecution's Exhibit 294. It is an extract of testimony of Ferdinand Holl as to Action 14 F 13in Natzweiler.
On page 141, Document NO-1007, Prosecution's Exhibit 295, is a direction order by Gluecks, Chief of Amtgruppe D of the WVHA, to a whole series of concentration camps, dated 27 April 1943, concerning 14 F 13, and directing that only insane persons shall be selected henceforth. This document proves that the action continued after the concentration camps came under the control of the WVHA and the Defendant Pohl in March, 1942.
The next document in the book is on page 142, Document NO-2333, Prosecution's Exhibit 296, an affidavit of Gerhard Schiedlausky, the concentration camp doctor at Ravensbruck, who reports on the participation of Lolling, Amt D-III in the program. It also states that Pohl accompanied Himmler in a visit in 1941 when an order was given to kill a man who had been injured in Mauthausen.
THE PRESIDENT: This Tribunal will recess until two o'clock when it convenes in Courtroom No. 1. This case, however, will be resumed tomorrow afternoon at one-thirty.
(The Tribunal adjourned until 17 April 1947, at 1330 hours.)
Case 4 Court 2 Official Transcript of the American Military Tribunal 2 in the matter of the United States of America against Oswald Pohl, et al, Defendants, sitting at Nurnberg, Germany, on 17 April 1947, 1330 hours, Justice Toms Presiding.
THE MARSHAL: Persons in the court room will please find their seats. The Honorable, the Judges of Military Tribunal 2. Military Tribunal 2 is not in session. God save the United States of America and this honorable Tribunal. There will be order in the court room.
MR. ROBBINS: May it please the Tribunal, the Prosecution proposes to present documents in Document Book 11 at this time. The documents in this book and the next two books, I believe, concern slave labor.
The first one is on page 1 of Document Book 11. It is NO-034, which I offer as Exhibit 297. This is on affidavit of Rudolf Hoess, one-time chief of Amtsgruppe D-1. He states in paragraph 2 of the affidavit and part of paragraph 3:
"Since 1934 I was continuously active in the administration of concentration camps and was on duty in Dachau until 1938. Then I became adjutant in Sachsenhausen from 1938 until 1 May 1940, at which time I was appointed commandant of Auschwitz. I was commandant of Auschwitz until 1 December 1943 and I estimate that at least 2,500,000 victims were executed and exterminated there in gas chambers and crematories. At least a further half million people died from hunger and sickness, which adds up to a total amount of about 3,000,000 deaths. This figure represents about 70 to 80 per cent of all persons who were sent to Auschwitz as prisoners. The remaining were picked out and used for slave work for the industries located in and surrounding the concentration camp.