Q What are you doing now, witness?
A I am learning to become a radio technician.
Q Are you living in a DP camp?
A I am a DP, but I live in Constance itself.
Q Do you plan to return to Poland?
A No, I do not.
Q Why not?
A I do not wish to return to Poland for the following reasons: I am Jewish, and I have lost my parents and relatives in Poland. Our property was stolen. We have nothing left. I have nothing to go back to.
Q Chaim, you testified in the Medical Case in December, did you not?
A Yes, I did.
Q How did you happen to come to Nurnberg on that occasion?
A I heard through the radio that a trial against Nazi doctors was being carried on in Nurnberg. I thereupon decided to come. All the blood that was shed by my mother and my brothers and by all my relatives and my comrades of all nations of Europe, these who were not guilty and shed their blood, appealed to my conscience, and that brought me to Nurnberg.
Q Where were you living before the war?
A Before the war I lived in Dumbrowa.
Q Will you please tell the Tribunal in your own words what happened to you and your family after the war started?
A Yes, I will. However, I have a request of this Tribunal, before I start. I am very ashamed, and my sister does not know anything what happened to me. Therefore, I would appreciate it if my name would never be published, neither should pictures or my address be published in any paper or somewhere else. That is my request. That is before I start my statement.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is familiar with the nature of this witness testimony, and his request is a reasonable and proper one. No photograph of this witness and no revelation of his name or the nature of his testimony will be made public. This is an order of the Tribunal, which, of course, does not affect the official record of his testimony, which must be preserved.
THE WITNESS: I thank you very much, your Honor. Shall I start now?
BY MR. MC HANEY:
Q Yes, please.
A During the war the Germans attacked us. Thereupon we were immediately transferred from Dumbrowa for compulsory labor service. First we had to do all sorts of jobs, and later on I was sent to a laundry factory where I had to do compulsory labor. The laundry factory was at Bendzin, for Michatz. That was a firm by the name of Michatz. I worked there until August of 1943. In 1942 my parents and my brother moved away with a group of emigrants, and they are no longer alive at this present moment. My parents were so young and they could work. They were fifty years old. In 1943 there was a general emigration, and I was sent to Auschwitz together with my sister. My younger sister died, or rather was transferred to a labor camp at Gruenberg, Silesia. Both my sisters afterwards were sent to Bergen Belsen, and I found them again alive.
The first four weeks I arrived in Auschwitz I was in the quarrantime camp.
We ran around without shoes and cap and we were being beaten constantly. We had hardly any food, and the whole thing lasted for four weeks. That was in Birkenau. After the four weeks had elapsed we were transferred to Camp Dr. That is where I worked on construction work on roads. Suddenly the block clerk came and told us in the block that twenty young Jews from between twenty to twenty-four years of age had to volunteer for a special duty job. At the time I did not volunteer for that job. However, some of my comrades did. Those twenty persons were called up in the morning and they were taken to same place I will not name, and in the afternoon they returned. No one knew what had happened to them. They did not want to tell us. They were afraid. They had to work again as normal, and after two or three days a few of them transferred to the hospital because they could no longer work. A little bit later no volunteers were called up but people were just picked up according to the alphabet. Namely, they picked up twenty young people from between twenty to twenty-four years of age. I was amongst them because my name starts with the letter "B".
Early in the morning we had to stand for roll call, and we were sent to the women camp there. There was a special barrack there. We waited for approximately half an hour when an officer, a Luftwaffe officer to be exact, arrived on his motor bike. He was a tall man. We had to take off our clothes immediately, and we were put underneath a big machine, and we were sterilized there. They put two blocks between our legs, which were hot, and that is how we had to stay for approximately fifteen to twenty minutes. After that we were all sent back to our block, and we were put to work immediately. A few of those who were with us were immediately transferred to the hospital because they simply couldn't walk. They had pus. I had no pus at the beginning.
Two weeks later we were transferred to Auschwitz I. We had to walk the whole distance guarded by the SS, and we were then sent to Block 21, which was the hospital there.
We received a special injection there, and then we were placed on the operation table. Most scrotums were removed.
I am sorry that I am crying, but I can't hold myself back.
THE PRESIDENT: Take your time.
THE WITNESS: I wish to apologize again. I am not doing this on purpose. I was in the hospital for three weeks. After that there was a great selection in the hospital. 60 percent of our people from our block were used for gas. I was afraid of that, and therefore I left the hospital while I was half sick, and I started working immediately. I worked in the tailor shop there, the inmate tailor shop. Part of my comrades were also gassed. In the tailor shop there we were beaten daily by the capos, and we had to do very hard labor while we were getting very little food. I worked there until the 18th of January, 1945. That is when the Russians were approaching and we had to be evacuated. We were several thousands of men and women. We had to walk the whole distance. More than half of the people were shot down on the way, and we arrived at the concentration camp of Mauthausen, correction, Gross-Rosen. We were at Gross-Rosen, at Gross-Rosen for a few days. Many of us were beaten to death there, and after that we were transported to Dachau.
We were loaded up in cattle wagons, 120 men in one wagon. The wagon was full. We couldn't sit. That is how we arrived in Dachau, without food, and half of our people in one wagon were about dead. In Dachau we were transferred to Block No. 19. Block 19 was between two other blocks, Block 21 and Block 17. The Blocks 21 and 17 were full of spotted fever, infected French, Russians and Poles. They were in this block for a period of four weeks. We couldn't work. After those four weeks had elapsed none of us were sick, and therefore we were transferred to Amfing Wood Camp. The camp itself was in the woods. There were no barracks, and all we had were holes, holes in the earth which were covered by small covers. We had to live there, and that was in winter, winter, 1945.
It was terribly cold, and we had to work very hard. We had to carry cement sacks to the construction yard somewhere near there. We worked there on Various jobs. We were used in order to clear up the rubble in Meuhldorf which had been bombed. We were also used in order to remove sand and to dig holes.
We drove from between 60 to 70 kilometers per day in cattle wagons in order to go to work. All day long we didn't get any food. We only received food in the evening when we came back from our commando. It occurred sometimes that we arrived in the camp at twelve o'clock at night, midnight, due to air raids, and at four o'clock in the morning we had to be back at work. If there was an air raid on our way to our working place, then our wagons were locked up and the guards placed themselves opposite our cattle wagons. In that camp, I mentioned before it was in the woods, I stayed until the end of April, 1945. In April, 1945, that is a week before the liberation, were put in another transport and sent to the Tirol. We were taken back from the Tirol, and on the 30th of April 1945, at eleven o'clock in the morning the American troops liberated us in Seisshaupt on the Starnberger-Sea.
Q I would like to ask you a few specific questions.
A Please do.
Q You state that you were first sterilized in September 1943?
A Yes, that is correct.
Q And that was done by means of X-rays?
A I don't know what sort of rays they used, because I am not a doctor. However, I do know that they were rays.
Q Did these rays cause any burns on your thighs?
A Yes, they did, and I still have the burns.
Q And then two weeks later you underwent an operation?
A Yes.
Q And your testicles were removed?
A Yes, that's correct (crying).
Q Do you know why that was done?
A Yes, I know. I am a Jew, and that was what happened.
Q Did you receive a tattoo on your arm when you were in Auschwitz?
A Yes, I did.
Q Will you show the Tribunal that tattoo, please?
A Yes, with pleasure. There you (baring left arm to the elbow)
Q Now, Chaim, did you have certain pictures taken of you when you were in Nurnberg in December?
A Here in Nurnberg, yes.
Q I will have the clerk hand to you Document NO-819 -
A (Looking at photographs) Yes, those are the pictures. That is correct; those are the pictures they took of me.
MR. McHANEY: The Prosecution offers this series of pictures as Prosecution Exhibit 354, there being five pictures of the witness, Chaim Balitzke, which are lettered A, B, C, D, and E. I will ask the clerk to hand the pictures up to the Tribunal and I call to the Tribunal's attention particularly pictures D and E, which show scarification on the thighs of the witness as a result of the X-ray sterilization.
Q Chaim, do you know whether any women were sterilized in Auschwitz?
A Yes, I do. In Auschwitz there was a Block which had the number 10. That was in the men's camp. There were approximately two to three hundred women in there.
They were always in the Block; they were not used for work. They just knitted in that block and they were used for various experiments. That is what we all knew because the block was in our own camp. I do not know the actual kinds of experiments that were carried on there but I do know that experiments were carried out and I know that exactly. And in that block there were always two or three small children.
Q. Can you tell us the name of the doctor who sterilized you?
A. Yes, the doctors who sterilized me, I couldn't tell you the names. However, I know the name of one of the doctors of whom we were speaking in the camp all the time. The name is Dr. Schummen. I couldn't tell you any further names.
Q. Now, did you state that you worked in the tailor shop in Auschwitz?
A. Yes.
Q. And were you repairing clothes there?
A. Yes, I was.
Q. What clothes were you working on?
A. I worked there for a period of fifteen months. We had all sorts of clothes. There were clothes from Jewish transports, from various countries of Europe. There were women's clothes and children's clothes. There was all sorts of underwear, sweaters, and all sorts of things. The clothes were also provided with a Jewish star. There were also clothes without the star. In other words, all kinds of clothes. The clothes arrived in big wagons, full of them. Quite a lot of them arrived. They came in very often. There were Jewish stars which could be recognized by that yellow star and they were from France because instead of saying "Jew" on there in German it said "Juif", the French word for "Jew". And there was also the word "Jude".
We didn't find too many things in the pockets, but sometimes we found shaving brushes, tooth brushes, glasses, packages, and also pictures Once in a while it occurred that somebody recognized some of his own relatives from the pictures. The clothes were for adults, men and women, and were being repaired there because they were all useable. We had already removed the lining and we had to fix that again and we made a big hole in the back and a small piece of striped material was inserted.
We did the same thing to the trousers where we likewise introduced such a striped piece of cloth. They were packed in packages and boxes and were used as clothes for the inmates.
Q. Witness --
A. Yes, please?
Q. --- did you ever hear the name "Kanada Commando" in Auschwitz?
A. What is the name of that commando?
Q. Kanada Commando.
A. Yes, I knew that commando very well. I did not work in that commando myself but many of my comrades did. That was a special commando which had to take care of all the incoming transports, when the clothes of the transports were removed. They checked on everything there and sorted the stuff. Whatever they found, gold or diamonds or other valuables, they removed, and no matter what it was. They sorted that and delivered that to the administration.
Q. Chaim, do you know whether any Hungarian Jewish transports arrived in Auschwitz in 1944?
A. Yes, sir, in the summer of 1944 there were continuous transports of Hungarians. They were Hungarian Jews and of every age. I never saw it myself but I still know because I was told so. We all knew about it. We knew they were sent to Birkenau, where they were selected. A small percentage of them were used for work and they were then transferred to Auschwitz, and they told us the story themselves. The rest of them were immediately sent to the gas chamber and gassed there and cremated, and children, small children, sick people, invalids, these people were cremated alive in certain pits because there was not enough space to gas them in the gas chamber. That happened three or four months, around the summer of 1944. That was the bloodiest period in Auschwitz.
Q. Chaim, do you know anything about the method of selecting inmates to be gassed?
A. Yes, I do. The selections followed various methods that were used there. I can tell you of a few of those methods if you want me to.
First of all, I shall start with the method of selecting in the hospitals, because selections there took place often, every two or three or four weeks. Prior to the selection the block elder come in and ordered that all the Jews stand up. The sick ones had to remove all their clothing and climb down from their beds and stand in rows. Most of them collapsed but all of then got up, because those who couldn't get up were immediately gassed, so that all of them tried to climb out of their beds. Sometimes it was half an hour or an hour or two before the camp physician came and through that entire period of time these sick inmates had to stand. All inmates received their sick cards and when the camp physician came in an SS officer accompanied him. All the sick ones had to pass by him, walking quickly one after another, and present their cards to the physician. He just took one look at the sick man and put some of the cards here (witness showing with fingers) and the other part in the other place. One part of the box was for those who were to live and the other for those to be shot. Those who were to be killed - that is, approximately 30, 40, or 60 percent of the inmates - these cards were taken along by the physician and the other cards he returned to the block elder. Those persons that had been designated to be killed were removed from the camp by trucks after a few hours. The removal was carried out in various ways. Several times they were removed in their shirts; several times, again, they were taken out naked. And I remember one case very well - that was in winter - when the inmates were removed with their new clothes, in open cars, and they even received mufflers for their ears and gloves and handkerchiefs. Everything was new. That was how they were led away to be gassed.
Half an hour later all the trucks returned with the clothes and they were put there. The selections of the camp occurred after roll call. No one was allowed to leave or move about in the camp. All Jews had to remain inside the camp and all the others were put in the blocks. They all had to remove all their clothes. It occurred several times that the camp physician passed through the rows and selected his victims, and it also occurred several times that they were taken to the bathroom and that is where the camp physician was, and he selected his victims there.
Those that had been selected, their number was taken down and a few hours later, particularly at night, they were picked up and taken away.
The last selection was different, entirely different, as a matter of fact. No camp physician took care of that selection but the SS personnel of the camp itself did that. They were drunk and one of them had a stick in his hand. Every one of the inmates had to walk through the row of SS men, and the man who was beaten once was immediately removed by the capos and the block eldests. His number was taken dorm and then again he was removed in the evening, or rather, this time it was different. This time not only Jews but all concentration camp inmates had to stand at attention there, and the selection applied to all of them. More Aryans than Jews were selected on that day, because the sick Aryans were also in the camp up to that date, and the Jews were selected every few weeks or so. That is the reason why there were less sick and weak Jews in the camp. All of them were taken to one big block. They stayed there for a period of two days, whereupon all the Aryans were liberated or freed and all Jews were again put in the gas chambers. That was the last selection.
MR. McHANEY: I have no further questions.
THE PRESIDENT: Does defense counsel wish to cross examine this witness?
(No reply)
MR. ROBBINS: If the Court please, we would propose to go ahead with the presentation of documents until the recess.
THE PRESIDENT: The Marshal may remove the witness from the Courtroom.
(Sitness excused.)
MR. ROBBINS: I next offer prosecution exhibit 355, which is Document NO-1925.
THE PRESIDENT: Volume 13, Mr. Robbins?
MR. ROBBINS: Volume 13, yes, sir.
JUDGE MUSMANNO: Mr. Robbins, the pages in this book are not numbered.
MR. ROBBINS: No, your Honor. We will supply the Court with a paginated document book after the recess I hope.
Document NO-1925 is a letter by Gluecks who was chief of Amtsgruppe D of the WVHA, to the Commandants of various concentration camps, requesting a listing of special prisoners and their assignments. Has the Court found this document? It's the sixth document, I believe, in the book.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, we have it.
MR. ROBBINS: The last paragraph of the document reads: "The list will be kept up to date. A supplementary report will be submitted on the 15th of every month. No return is necessary."
The following document, NO-067, I offer as prosecution exhibit 356. This is a letter from Himmler to the defendant Pohl dated 4 March 1944.
THE PRESIDENT: Is it not 355, Mr. Robbins?
MR. ROBBINS: Your Honor, the pictures of the witness Balitzke were 354.
THE PRESIDENT: That's right.
MR. ROBBINS: 1925 is 355 and this, I believe, is 356. The letter is very short and I will read it.
"Dear Pohl: Professor Porsche visited me today. He asked us to take over as a concentration camp plant a plant which is manufacturing a secret weapon. The production takes place in an underground mine and 3,500 laborers are needed. Please get in touch with Porsche.
Signed H. Himmler."
The following document, NO-020-A and B has already been offered in evidence as prosecution exhibit 81. The Court will recall that this is the letter by the defendant Pohl to Himmler, giving a general report on concentration camps and labor camps in Germany as of 31 March 1944. He states that there are 13 camps in the Reich territory, 3 in the Government General, 3 in the Ostland, 2 in the Netherlands. And a note at the bottom by Pohl: "In Eicke's time there were altogether six camps; now 185."
The following document, NI-317, which is the same as Document NO-021-A and B, I offer as prosecution exhibit 357. The first part of this document is a letter from Brandt to the defendant Pohl stating that Himmler has approved of the security measures in Auschwitz which were indicated in Pohl's letter of 5 April 1944. The second part of the document is Pohl's letter of 5 April 1944, to Himmler, reporting on security measures in Auschwitz. I should like to read a part of it. Paragraph numbered 1:
"Camp I includes the compact camp for men with a present strength of approximately 16,000 inmates. It is surrounded with a fence and by barbed wire which, as in all concentration camps, is electrically charged. Besides there are watch towers, on the tops of which machine guns are mounted.
"2) Camp II is at a distance of about 3 kilometers from Camp I. It accommodates 15,000 male and 21,000 female inmates. Of a total of 36,000 inmates approximately 15,000 are unable to work. Camp II is also surrounded by an electrically charged wire fence; there are also watch towers.
"Camp III includes all outside camps attached to industrial establishments in Upper Silesia which, however, are located at considerable distances from each other.
At present it consists of 14 outside camps with a total number of approximately 15,000 male inmates. These labor camps are also surrounded by the usual wire fence and have also watch towers. The largest of these labor camps is in Auschwitz attached to the I.G. Farben industrie AG. It has at present 7,000 inmates."
The rest of the document contains a detailed report on security measures in Auschwitz. The letter is signed by the defendant Pohl.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will be in recess, Mr. Robbins.
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is in recess until 1330 this afternoon.
(A recess was taken until 1330 hours.)
THE MARSHAL: Tribunal II is again in session.
MR. ROBBINS: I believe that your Honors have been supplied with paginated copies of Book 13 during recess. The next document is found on Page 29 and is Document NO-1794, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 358. This is a letter dated 19 April 1944 from the defendant Pohl to Himmler. I should like to read only a small part of it.
He says: "Yesterday afternoon around 15 hours the Heinkel Works in Oranienburg were attacked by several waves of enemy aircraft. The works are located nine kilometers away from the concentration camp of Sachsenhausen. Six thousand prisoners are employed there in the manufacture of heavy bombers of the 177 type." He goes ahead to state that from 1200 to 1500 bombs were dropped. Then in the latter part of the letter, the second paragraph, he states that one guard was killed and two slightly injured. Of the prisoners 106 were killed, 116 seriously injured, 28 lightly injured, and 86 missing. He states that the missing prisoners are probably still under the ruins.
I next offer the document on Page 31, NO-1623, as Exhibit 359. This is a letter dated 24 May 1944 from the defendant Pohl to Himmler, reporting on construction of fortifications by the Central Russian group of the SS labor force and describing the purpose and strength of the force. I don't think it is necessary to read this document.
On page 34 I offer Document NO-592. I beg your pardon. This document has already been offered in evidence as Exhibit 101; and I will not offer it again. This is a telegram from Pohl to Himmler, stating that fifty per cent of the employable Jews who come from Hungary are women and asking for permission to use them in heavy labor.
The next document on Page 36 is also a part of Exhibit 101, from Himmler to Pohl, giving consent to use women in construction work.
This was quoted in the opening statement. On Page 37 I offer Document 597 as Prosecution's Exhibit 360. This is a letter from Maurer of Amtsgruppe D, setting out the numbers for the filing system for concentration camp inmates' employment in industry. It also contains a list of the industrial firms using inmates. It is a rather long document, extending to Page 74 of the document book. It shows the filing system of the WVHA; and it shows on its face that concentration camp inmates were used in the industries indicated there. At Page 8 of the document the reference is to an allocation of prisoners to Office W-I, GEST. Then under that there is a list of the firms and also concentration camps. Next follows allocation of prisoners to Office W-II, stone and mineral soils. Next, allocation of prisoners to Office W-III, food concerns. Then allocation of prisoners to Office W-IV and W-V, W-VI, W-VII. I believe that the reference on the bottom of Page 10 is to allocation of workers to Office W-VIII. I shall check that with the original to make certain.
At Page 75 of the document book I offer NO-016 as Exhibit 361. This is a series of correspondence between Pohl and Brandt concerning conditions in chemical warfare factories and security measures to be taken there.
THE PRESIDENT: Who wrote the first document, Mr Robbins? 22 June?
MR ROBBINS: I believe that is written by Pohl. I think there is a capital "P" on the original document.
THE PRESIDENT: It is an "R" in our copy. That is Exhibit No. 361?
MR. ROBBINS: Yes, sir, NO-016.
THE PRESIDENT: (Looking at original document) The signature is quite plain. In fact, it is a typewritten signature, the original of Pohl.
MR. ROBBINS: Of Pohl?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
MR ROBBINS: The second letter there dated June 9 1944 from Karl Brandt to Himmler states prisoners are employed with best results in several "K" factories, and in plants producing chemical warfare protection articles.
The next document is NI-1341, which is missing from the English Document Book. I should like to reserve the Exhibit No.362 for that document for a later offer.
On page 76 I offer Document NO-1975 as Prosecution's Exhibit NO 363. This is a letter on the letterhead of concentration camp Buchenwald to ATG Company, regarding the employment of 500 female and 500 male concentration camp inmates. I would like to ask Mr. Siebenschein to see if you can make out the signature on that letter, also.
THE PRESIDENT: This is a carbon copy unsigned. The original exhibit does not disclose the signature.
MR ROBBINS: Thank you. At page 77 I offer as Prosecution's Exhibit No. 364 the Document No. NO-1961. The part of this exhibit which is of horizontal lines is a chart showing assignment of inmates from Buchenwald to various work details with the number of prisoners employed. The other part marked "Survey" appears to be simply a form which was used by the concentration camp to report on the number of prisoners used in the various work details.
At page 78 I offer Document NO-1003 as Prosecution's Exhibit NO. 365. This is a series of eight letter dealing with assignment of concentration camp prisoners for bomb disposal work from Natzweiler. It shows the use of concentration camp prisoners in the disposal of enemy bombs.
At page 87 is document NO-2622 which is offered as Prosecution Exhibit No. 366. This is a letter from the defendant Pohl to Himmler enclosing report of Kammler. That report of Kammler is a typewritten report which is missing from the English Document Book, NO-2615, and which I should like to reserve as Exhibit No. 367. The report deals with construction of V-1 and V-2 sites.
At page 88 I offer Document NO-2144.
DR. SEIDL: Dr. Seidl for the defendant Oswald Pohl. Your Honor, the defense document book with the initial letter only of Document NO-2611 has been submitted. The report itself, however, is not there, and I would appreciate if the Prosecution could possibly see to it that this report is also handed in.
MR. ROBBINS: Yes, the Prosecution will do that. It is not in the English Document either. It is the document which is given No. NO2615, and I have reserved Exhibit No. 367 for that.
Document NO-2144 will be Exhibit 368. This is a letter from Himmler to Kammler, Amtsgruppen C, and others, concerning the responsibility for the carrying out of the V-2 project.
The following document at page 89 is Document NO-071, which I offer as Exhibit 369. This is a letter from Himmler to Fegelin, requesting employment of Polish prisoners of war and officers in the concentration camps. A copy was sent to Pohl.
Following that is Document NO-2101, which I offer as Prosecution 's Exhibit No. 370. This is a letter reporting the employment source at Buchenwald camp, and it lists the number of prisoners who have arrived at their site of work.
NO2109 at page 93 has already been offered in evidence and is Prosecution's Exhibit No. 134.
The following exhibit at page 94 is 058-PS. I offer that as Prosecution's Exhibit No. 371. It is a circular letter by Bormann, and I should like to read the second paragraph: "For all questions which have to do with the fulfilling of the agreement of 1939, as well as affairs of the Police and aid societies, and for the affairs of the German prisoners of war in the enemy hands, the High Command of the military Forces will give particulars of the transfer, and the delineation of the twofold duties in direct consultation with the Commander of the Reserve Army, and the Divisions of the Military Forces." And then Bormann states that Himmler has commanded, in paragraph C: "The mobilization of labor of the prisoners of war will be organized with the present labor mobilization office in joint action between Berger and Pohl."
The Document at page 96 is NI-638, and I offer it as Prosecution's Exhibit No. 372. I believe that the translation of this document is not complete. I shall check on that, and if it is not I shall supply the Tribunal with a complete translation. It is a circular letter by the Reichsminister for Armament and War Production for the WVHA and others, stating that all previous requests for allocation of inmates are canceled, and that all the requests will be official as to the WVHA.
At page 98 I offer Document NO--- excuse me, that is PS-4021, which is the same as Document NI-315. I offer it as Prosecution Exhibit No.373. This is a letter from Pohl to Himmler reporting a teletype message from Director General of Hasag.
DR. SEIDL: Dr. Seidl for the defendant Oswald Pohl. If it please Your Honor, in our Document Book the Document PS-4021 is also missing. It has just been submitted by the Prosecution as Exhibit 373. The same applies to the next document, NI-315 of which we have only one of the pages. I would appreciate if the Prosecution would also give us photostatic copies of these two documents.
MR ROBBINS: I'll offer these two documents, then, provisionally.
The Document 4021-PS states that :"The Hasag operates today already with over 10,000 Concentration Camp's prisoners." And it also states that they have called almost daily upon Haurer, who was a member of the Amtsgruppen D.
At page 100 I offer provisionally Document NO-395 as Prosecution's Exhibit No. 374. This is a list that concerns employment of concentration camp inmates.
At page 103 I offer Document NO-1977 as Prosecution's Exhibit No. 375. That is a letter from Hoser of Amtsgruppen D, dated 29 January 1945, and it was sent to the commanders of the concentration camps indicated there. The list consist of a tabulation of inmates 'performances on the various work details.
At Page 106 I offer Document NO 1936 as Exhibit 376. This is a file memorandum regarding the transfer of 500 inmates from labor detail S 111 to Bergen-Belsen.
At Page 107 offer NO 1097 as Exhibit 377. This is a report from the Office of Labor Statistics in Buchenwald regarding Jewish labor details and shows inmates working at S-111, DAW, and other industries.
The next document, MI 372 I offer as Exhibit 378. The translation is not complete, and I will supply Tribunal with a complete translation there.
The following document, Mi 363, I offer as Exhibit 379 This is lenghty report of the international Camp Committee regarding working conditions and the supply of inmate from Buchenwald. At page 2 of the Document I should like to read a short extract:
"The number of workers and the production of the various factories may be gathered from the preceding lists. The accommodation of the prisoners was not in most cases extremely primitive. In some places the prisoners lived in the works themselves and suffered not inconsiderables losses through bombardments. The description of the conditions of life and work can only be confined to a few especially notorious commands. Something has already been said about Dora, Laura, and S 111 in the first section; it will only be supplemented."
Then the following part of the document deals with conditions at the DAW and other work details.
At page 125 I offer NO 2180 as Prosecution Exhibit 380. I Think there is a mistake there. I guess that is correct. This is a letter dated 14 April 1942. Is that missing in the German Book?
DR. SEIDL: Your Honor, I object to the introduction of this document MI 363, which has just been submitted as Exhibit 379 by the Prosecution. The document which is contained in document book NO 1 does not show what it is all about in detail. One can say with certainly only that it is not a document which was captured by Allied Troops, to be exact, that it is not a German Document captured by Allied Troops.