Q. Then the only connection you had with the assassination of Rathenau was merely that you and your friends concealed from the police the murders, is that it?
A. Yes, we hid them, and helped, them along. That was the only connection we had with the murder.
Q. Did you over attempt to commit all the jews to Jerusalem?
A. No.
Q. What was this little pro ram of your you mention on page 167, wherein you state you distributed to all Jews in night clubs tickets in the form of railroad tickets, third class, to Jerusalem one way, but not back?
A. This took place not only in Rostock, but these tickets were distributed throughout the whole country. They were interpreted and construed humorously, also by the Jews to some extent. That is, my assistant at the Rostock Dermatology Institute also thought this was quite a joke. In other words, this whole matter is in the field of humorous politics, and should not be taken to seriously.
Q. Would you tell us what organization the Stahlhelm was, that is spe S-t-a-h-l-h-s-l-m-? This was a Nationalistic organization, was it?
A. Yes, that was a Nationalistic Organization of previous front line soldiers under the leadership of Duesterberg and Seldte, and after the accessation of Nazis in 1933 this organization joined the NSDAP or joined the S.A.
Q. Why didn't you join that organization, Doctor?
A. I preferred to join another organization with clearer goals, because the Stahlhelm had no specific clear attitude toward the racial question.
Q. That is right. Therefore, because they didn't take a clear cut line on turn racial question you didn't become a member of this Nationalistic Organization, Stahlhelm?
That is right.
Q. Your racial hatred, a s I call it you. say it isn't that didn't end with the Jews either; you didn't have much use for the Free Masons, did you?
A. The Free Mason question is not a racial question. In the Free Mason lodges there were not only Jews, but non-jews and other races. The Free Mason problem was not a racial problem in the same way that the question we have just discussed was a racial question, but it can be seen from the Free Mason literature, the international lodges are to a largo extent under Jewish Leadership, and the customs and usages of the Free Masons lodges can be traced back to old Jewish customs. That is a historical fact.
Q. Now, Doctor, what was Ludendorff's Tannenberg-Bund?
A. Luddendorff's Tannenberg Bund was a nationalisitic organization which quite specifically took a point of view against the Free Masons publicly.
Q. You joined that organization, didn't you?
A. Yes.
Q. And you state as a reason for joining that organization that Ludendorff' s Tannenberg Bund was a racial fight against International Jewry, Free Masons, and so forth; what was your reason?
A. I didn't speak of any racial struggle. That was not a racial struggle. Rather Ludendorff defined his struggle as a fight against international powers. That is a historical fact again.
Q. What is your reason for being so opposed to the Free Masons?
A. I don't see why I shouldn't have been, because the role that the Free Mason lodges played was similar to that that the Jews played in Germany for that period.
Q Then, as you state on page 210, you were sharply against Free Masonry because of its connection with the Jews; is that right?
A Would you please repeat the question?
Q I said, you state on page 210 you were sharply against Free Masonary because of its connection with the Jews; is that right?
A I cannot remember that phraseology precisely, can you please show me the book?
Q Certainly, it is marked with a red pencil, Doctor. Read it out loud.
A I read aloud, "During my political activities in the years 1922 and 1923 I developed a sharp attitude against Free Masonry because of its connection with the Jews." That is true and corresponds with what I just said, that all the usage and origin of the Feee Mason lodges can be traced back to the Jews.
Q Now, in nearly every public speech you ever made, you delved into the racial questions at great length, didn't you?
A No, I really cannot say that every address of mine contained a lot about the racial question. Before the Nazis took over, I frequently spoke at political meetings, those were election campaigns for various elections; in other words elections to bo carried out according to preliamentary and democratic rules in which everyone could openly and freely state his opinion and that is what I did. In this connection I often said something about the racial question and said what my conviction was; that of course is true.
Q Well now on pg 253 of your book you speak about your public speeches and that your major program was the discussion of racial questions; now Doctor, did you Kurt Blome, write an autobiography? There are many more famous men in the dock, they did not write autobiographies; what was your reason for writing an autobiography which contains nothing of benefit to medicine?
A I should like to tell you that your assertion is not entirely correct. I don't believe that you could have road the book because if you had, then you would have seen that throughout the entire book like a red thread from the very first page on, there runs tho theme of the physician's problems, and then you would have to see that entire chapters of this book are devoted purely to medical matters and that in reality I expressed opinion on all medical matters and all matters which effected tho physicians in any way. Of course, wo could discuss tho question whether my point of view in this or that case was a good one and should be recognized, but that is a matter of opinion. Your assertion, however, that this entire book, and entire book, deals with racial political matters, is by no means true. When you ask me why I wrote an autobiography, lot mo tell you that I started with my eighteen years and an ending at tho ago of fifty and I think it is dishonest if anyone represses in an autobiography everything that does not have to do directly with medical matters; but that this book is basically orientated toward medical matters, that can readily be seen through the careful reading of the book. The title, after all, is "The Physician in War-Time." If your assumptions were really correct, then I should have entitled the book differently, something like tho old Nationalistic fighter, but it can be soon that my interest here is matters of medicine, matters of health and for that reason my title "The Physician in War-Time" is quite correct. You will also have to admit that from tho medical political thinking, you cannot differentiate the racial question from that train of thought. Any doctor, in the whole world would agree with me on this.
Q Now, Doctor, as I understand it, in 1938 your name appeared on tho list to be awarded the Golden Party Badge; your name was stricken from the list by Hitler, wasn't it?
A Yes.
Q In 1943, five years latter you achieved tho Golden Party Badge; after five years you wore awarded the Golden Party Badge; weren't you?
A Yes, the next time the Golden Party Badge was awarded I received it. Of tho four whom Wagner recommended, only two were approved: thereupon Dr. Wagner objected and tho Fuehrer said that ho did not want any inflation in tho matter of awarding golden party badges. I myself was not personally acquainted with Hitler, as I said earlier, so I was one of those who was not approved and then the next award, which was ten years after tho Nazi's took power, I did receive tho badge.
Q The, you exclude tho possibility that I am correct in assuming that tho reason you wrote the book, which you. wrote similar to Hitler's "Mein Kampf", the "Physician's Mein Kampf" was to show Hitler what a good little Nazi you you wore and how you stood in tho Jewish question so that you could got tho covorted award; am I correct or am I wrong in that assumption?
A I can assure you that you are wrong in that assumption that it was necessary for me to do anything at all to prove that I was a good little Nazi that I was a convinced National Socialist was known to everyone who know mo or knew of my name. I should not have had to write such a book to prove it or to receive an award of a party badge.
Let mo assure You. that I think much too much of myself to achieve that goal by writing a book. If you had personally read my book, then you would also have read what I said about tho awarding of badges in general. Also let me say that a Golden Party Badge could in no way impress mo, in view of tho fact that I, as a young front lino soldier, had received the Knight's Cross with Crossed Swords and the Hohenzollern Badge and had tho badge for being wounded, so I did not have any need for that sort of party decoration.
Q Now, Doctor, you have testified here in direct examination that the restrictions based on Jewish physicians were originated by the Ministry of the Interior and that tho execution thereof was handled by tho Reichsaerztefuehrer; is that right?
A No, not in that form, nor do I believe that I said it in that form. The whole regulation of racial political questions of a legal nature was tho latter that concerned the Reichs Ministry of the Interior; tho intention in that clause or to carry them out was taken care of here for the various laws in question, then tho competent organizations of the party carried out tho law.
So, in my opinion, after the Ministry of the Interior had passed certain laws, tho implimented authority could only be tho Reich Chamber of Physicians, or tho Reichsgerztefuehrer or Dr. Grothe, those wore the channels as laid down by law and I cannot think of any other feasible way.
Q Well, then, tho execution or tho administrative handling, whatever you may call it, of these restrictions which were placed on Jewish physicians was handled by Conti's office in his position as Reichsgerztefuehrer; wasn't l
A Would you please repeat tho question, I did not quite understand it?
Q, I stated that tho execution and administrative handling of tho particular restrictions placed on Jewish physicians was handled by tho office of tho Reichsgerztefuhrer; is that right?
A No, not by tho office of tho Reichsaerztefuhrer, but by tho Reichs Physicians leader, who in turn discussed this question with Dr. Grothe, tho head of tho German Insurance Company and then settled this matter with him. Afterwards ho put me and some of my accomplices before tho accomplished fact, but had I boon asked before, I am sure I would have changed a number of things, but I don't think it is a question of debate here what I would have done.
Q Now, Doctor, this particular program against Jewish physicians, which I will admit or accept as tho result of the testimony of your witness, originated in tho Ministry of tho Interior and tho execution of plans thereof were handled by Conti's office in his capacity as Reichsarztefuehrer; now, isn't it ridiculous to say that a man like yourself, who has exhibited such a keen interest in this racial program, that you did not concern yourself with this planned treatment of Jewish physicians?
A No, it is not ridiculous at all, as you like to say. You may think it is, but had you known the situation as it existed with us, I am sure t you wouldn't consider it ridiculous at all. This is how it was: whenever any question regarding the settlement of Jewish physicians came up, the question of social insurance had to play a role. Every German who in any was employed and who couldn't dispose of a large amount of money was of necessity a member of a social insurance association, quite independent or whether he was a Jew or a non-Jew, a negro or a Japanese. In order to safeguard this social insurance, we had the social insurance companies in German Chief of which was Conti, and whose legal deputy in this sphere was Dr. Grothe. Now in connection with this activity of settling the problem of Jewish physicians, the settlement of the social insurance activity for the benefit of Jewish patients had to be discussed of necessity at the same time I was not at all surprised that Dr. Grothe was commissioned with doing that kind of work, who was the expert in that matter.
Q Now, Dr. Blome, according to your own testimony, you were active the SA until 1936, is that right?
A Yes, after 1936.
Q Now you formed these various medical units of the SA only in your County of Mecklenburg, is that right?
A Mecklenburg, yes. That's right.
Q You had nothing to do with the overall formation of medical units for the SA, is that right?
A No. In the year of 1936 to 1936, approximately over a year, I had been the group physician of the area Berlin-Brandenburg. I then resigned my office.
Q Now, do you -
A But there I already found organizations that had already been s up.
Q Well, now, do you recall the testimony of Professor Leibrandt which is on page 1973 of the official transcript wherein Professor Leigran said that on the 1st of April, 1933, he unfortunately was obliged to experience the greatest disgrace of the medical profession, in that he saw his Jewish colleagues pulled out of their beds in the morning and mistreated other medical men.
The medical men were in SA uniforms, weren't they?
A I heard that here. I heard this expressed by Mr. Leibbrandt? and if Mr. Leibbrandt testifies that under oath, I have no reason to doubt th correctness of that testimony. In that connection I can tell you that in year of 1933 when this happened I was living in Rostock and not in Berlin, and I can only state in that connection that in Mecklenburg no Jewish physician was taken out of his bed or in any way mistreated. At no time di I hear of it and certainly didn't cause any such action.
Q In 1936 you left your position in the Red Cross, and at that time Wagner selected you as the Chief of the Fuehrer School of German Physician at Altrese and Mecklenburg, is that right?
A No, not in that form. At first I didn't voluntarily leave the German Red Cross as I already said. Because of my -
Q Just a moment.
A -- practice I left the Red Cross.
Q Just a moment, Doctor. Let's not quibble over words now. In 193 that is when Wagner selected you as Chief of the German Physicians School Altrese in Mecklenburg, is that right?
A No, that is not right. I was never the Chief of the Fuehrer Schc at Altrese. The leader of that Fuehrer School was Dr. Deuschel.
Q What was your position in the Fuehrer School at Altrese?
A I had no position at all in the Fuehrer School of Altrese. In the framework of my entire tasks taking care of medical training and education Altrese was subordinate to me. It belonged to one of the organizations which was connected with the medical training and education.
Q What is this school that you were Chief of that you mentioned o direct examination at Altrese?
A I don't think I mentioned anything like that, and I certainly was not Chief of any school.
Q Do you mean to tell me on direct examination you didn't mention school in Altrese for young physicians of which you stated that only a small amount of the doctors went and not one of these defendants ever attended
A During my direct examination I stated that Altrese was under my charge. During my direct examination I stated that I was the only man ressible for the education, since Dr. Wagner is dead, and I furthermore state that I gladly bear that responsibility since whatever was taught and preach at Altrese was completely decent, orderly and medically ethical so that i need fear no attack from anywhere in medicine, and that is what I said ab this Fuehrer School in Altrese.
Q Well, all right, didn't you state in direct examination that this post-graduate study for physicians, that that duty was assigned to you by Wagner to control that educational group, and then you at great length mentioned the school at Altrese?
A Perhaps I could point out an error on your part. You are nixing two fundamental things. I was responsible for the German medical education which was given over to the German physicians as part of their duty on th basis of the law of 1935 by the Reich Chamber of Physicians. According that law, every physician in Germany apart from certain categories had to undergo a period of three weeks medical training every 5 years, and the Reich Chamber of Physicians bore the cost of that training.
Q Wait -
A That was the duty for five years. That had nothing to do with Altrese. This training was carried on at universities, at various large communal hospitals, hospitals of the various religious missions, Evangelic missions, Catholic missions. At any rate, it was carried on in such hospital which had good teaching material and also teachers. That had nothing whats ever to do with Altrese. That was the duty.
Q All right, what was the school at Altrese?
A The school at Altrese was a health political training course, me cal political training course for the so-called medical fuehrers and the medical fuehrer reserve. Furthermore, dentists were trained there, pharmacy and midwives.
Q Who had control over that school?
A The direct superior of the school was Dr. Rehse, and the supervision was exercised by me, and I also had to bear responsibility for the school.
Q Well, now, they the Fuehrer School of German Physicians at Altre in Mecklenburg was your responsibility?
A Yes, that is what I said on direct examination, but I may correct one other thing which you mentioned in your question. The participation in the so-called courses at Altrese where at the most one hundred twenty-eight people participated was completely voluntary.
Q I will get to that, Doctor. I will get to that. You wait till I ask you that question. Now Dr. Wagner gave you this job as supervisor of school at Altrese, is that right?
A If I had been the supervisory leader at Altrese, I would have had to be stationed there. For that purpose we had appointed a head for that school. Altrese belonged within my entire sphere of activities. I didn't live at Altrese. I held lectures there quite frequently.
Q Well, now then to clear a point up, it seems to concern you great that the Prosecution contends that attendance in this school at Altrese wa compulsory. Now you will recall that the Prosecution's witness, Professor Leibbrandt, testified that he was not sure whether or not this training wa compulsory, and he stated in fact that a number of young physicians whom h asked about that matter had told him that they were not in attendance at your school. Now, then, to clear a point up, you mentioned this post-graduate study of all doctors which did not take place at Altrese. Was that compulsory? This post-graduate study of all doctors in Germany that you mentioned earlier and you say is not to be confused with the courses given a Altrese, was that a compulsory course?
A Yes.
Q I see. Well, then did the medical students in attendance at the school of Altrese have to belong to Party organizations?
A No. Medical students participated in the courses of Altrese. The; were young physicians who had just about completed their study. These were courses for the benefit of students.
Q All right, Doctor, when -- did young medical men -- did they be. these young medical men in attendance at the school, have to belong to any Party organizations?
A No, that was not necessary.
Q Well, isn't it true that if they didn't belong to the Party orgazations or to the National Socialistic League of Students or Physicians th they were considered as suspects, and that if a student belonged to no orgazation whatsoever and then had the intention to take the State examination he had no other alternative but to join some Party organization? Did he?
A I should like to answer that what Professor Liebrandt also said about that matter: when Professor Liebrandt was asked whether he deemed it pess that the attendance at Altrese was not compulsory, and that many more phys cians had reported at that school than could be accepted there, Professor Liebrandt, according to my recollection, answered the following: I believe that the young person tried to get opportunities to progress, and in effect it was true that nearly all medical students in some way or other, tried to join a national socialist formation. There were very few who were not a member of any such organization. I think you could count them on your find
Q How many young German doctors went through these courses, sponsored by this educational system under your jurisdiction, that is, how many men did you have in attendance at Altrese?
A Well, as you are expressing the question in the latter part, you were correct. You asked how many actually visited Altrese, but before that you were speaking about the educational system. I am rather surprised at that, because you had ma.de similar mention before, education, sports, etc. which would have meant a military organizational character. That wasn't the question at all. These young people there weren't educated but they merely attended such courses and lectures in order to gain knowledge for the University. You couldn't give them on the basis cf their curriculum, namely, about general subjects and official questions as they related to medicine. As to the amount of young physicians who attended this school, I think I can get that for you. According to my memory the school was completed around 1935, and I don't think any young physicians were in attendance then. Then courses started for dentists, older physicians, mid wives and pharmacists, which all together amounted to about five to six courses. Even if you think that there were approximately six courses, numbering. 120 men each, you would have roughly 750 men per year. Now thinking, of the year 1936, 1937 and 1936 and then only part cf 1939 - 1939 not completely, because the war started the 1st cf September, 1939, approximately you could arrive at a figure of the amount of people who attended, and that passed through Altrese. We really couldn't accomodate all who wanted to come because of so many reasons.
Q I understand that. Now, doctor, you have stated just what I have been waiting for, the purpose of this Fuehrer school at Altrese, was to complete and round out the young doctors' education, to furnish what was necessary considering he did not receive that in medical school. Now you stated in an interrogation, among other subjects, not here on direct examination, but in a previous interrogation, that among ether subjects, you were also in charge of instructing young German doctors in political orientation What exactly did you teach them in Altrese in the line of political orientation?
A This political orientation is public health orientation, and it is quite clear that I preached no opposition to the national socialist regime, that is quite obvious because at the time, I myself was a convinced national socialist, and there was no reason to hide my conviction in the least.
Q Well, did that political orientation include the points of view which you so eloquently expressed in your book?
A May I perhaps ask you what points of view you are referring to, bec I am sure there are a few hundred different points mentioned in my book.
Q Well, for instance, what did you say in your lectures about the life worthiness of individuals as applied to individuals of specific national or racial groups? Did you mention that at all?
A The question seems to me so important and I would ask you to repeat that question once more in order to avoid any misunderstanding.
Q In your lectures at Altrese, did you concern yourself with the life worthiness of individuals as applied to individuals of specific national or racial groups?
A One word was translated as individual life value. I don't think that is quite correct, that is something that doesn't lend a correct sense to the entire question.
Q Did you draw any racial lines in the course of your lectures at the school in Altrese?
A With reference to the lectures that concerned the field of racial medical science and questions of heritage which wore pursued on a completely scientific basis, we had a special professor who had a heritage research institute, and at this department which had international characteristics ti reached as far as America, this professor held purely scientific lectures on field of racial hygiene and heritage questions, as you could find it all even the world in all languages.
He held these lectures on a very objective and factual basis.
Q Well, doctor, to what extent did you stress hereditary determination
A Excuse me, I don't quite understand the question.
Q Well, did you - I will re-phrase it, doctor, in another manner. We will get to the core quickly, and do away with this subject.
To what extent were your teachings responsible for the thwarting and distortion of gifted young German physicians, who without proper guidance performed the evil deeds which we have heard in this court room, and the terrific examples of Dr. Rascher and Dr. Ding-Schoeler?
A The translation did not come through very well, but I believe that I understand the sense of your question. I had already stated before during direct examination that this chapter concerning experiments on human beings was never dealt with in Altrese. These was no reason to do that whatsoever, no reason to deal with any such questions. Moreover, cur teaching, as it was directed towards all physicians, was based on general international recognize and valid ethical principles of the medical science a.t large. You will not be in a position, even if you could search for ten years, to get any person who attended Altrese to tell you that any evil word was said in that connection in Altrese or any bad example was set there, and that is the reason why I already stated here that I bear the responsibility for the school at Altrese, that I bear it alone, and that I like to bear it.
Q Well, then you never discussed with your students at Altrese, or indoctrinated your students, along Nazi lines, that is, establish in the students a hatred for the Jews, or any other such Nazi policy, is that right
A No, in Altrese, no policy of hatred was pursued, neither towards Jew in general, nor towards any people throughout the world.
Q Then you deny that any of your teachings were responsible in encouraing German doctors to give interior service to the groups of people who for political, racial and religious reasons were deemed undesirable by the State and naturally were confined in concentration camps, is that right?
A May I ask you to tell the interpreter not to translate "deny" with "ableugnen". I did not have the intention to deny anything; but I do have intention to put something right if it is wrong. Just generally I want to state again in connection with that question; in Altrese, neither by writing or by lectures, any subject was preached; which in any way could have formed the basis for any crimes performed in the future; as you seem to hint.
Q. Dr. Leibbrandt had a different view, didn't he?
A. Well, may I tell you in that connection that I don't hold the fact of your putting that question against you, but when speaking about the testimony of Leibbrandt I must say that I agreed to part of his statement. One has to state that neither Leibbrandt nor one of the people he spoke about attended this course at Altrehse. So, therefore, he cannot say anything positive about it. Whatever he knows he may perhaps only know from what he read in my book.
Q. Well, we will go by that, doctor. Now in your book you have stated, you have given your reasons for stating so in direct examination, on page 221 that sterilization is no shame, it is even not a punishment, it is a sacrifice which has to be borne by the individual for the future of his nation. Now you advocated this policy for Germany in order to secure healthy offsprings for the nation, is that right?
A. Not I personally. The law did not originate on my initiative. At the time the law was issued I had no influence on it whatsoever. I must state, however, that the basic tendency of this law is absolutely correct and found approval not only at home but also abroad. Other states who have accepted that law have created their own sterilization laws. I know of the United States - that there was some legislature in some states of that nature. I think that since 1945 it is said to apply to the entire United States. That is I certainly couldn't check while in imprisonment. The aim of sterilization is to avoid getting unhealthy heritage into the people and therefore creating a healthy breed.
Q. What is your point of view concerning abortions, doctor?
A. Abortions? It is my opinion that abortion is a punishable act. In Germany there are valid laws in that connection which go back to the time of the Monarchy, which also go back to the time of the German Republic under the Weimar constitution and continue into the period of National Socialism. At all those times abortion was punishable in Germany and I think that is quite correct.
Q. Well, then you think that abortion would be a crime against the nation in that it denies the fatherland of healthy and numerous offsprings?
A. Yes. That is my point of view. I think that abortion is a crime against the fatherland.
That is my opinion.
Q. Well, in your position in the Reich Health Office as deputy to Conti did you ever receive decrees or orders which were given out by Conti?
A. This question is put in such a general way that I can hardly do anything with it.
Q. Well, I will break it up for you. Did you have occasion to see every order that Dr. Conti issued in his position as Reich Health leader?
A. You mean whether I had the opportunity to see these orders or define my position toward this.
Q. I asked you did you have the opportunity to see each order that Dr. Conti issued, in his capacity as Reich Health leader here?
A. No, I did not.
Q. Did you have an opportunity to see a great many of the orders that were issued by the office of Conti in his position as Reich Health leader?
A. It is not easy for me to answer that question because I don't know what orders Conti issued in his capacity as Reich Health Fuehrer. You must consider that Conti in his position as Reich --
Q. Let's not go into that, doctor. I understand fully the capacities of Conti. Did. you ever discuss with Conti the question of abortions?
A. No discussions were necessary. That was an opinion which was quite clear to all physicians as a matter of course.
Q. Did you ever discuss the question of abortions with Conti in the case of female Eastern workers - not German people?
A. Yes. I -----
Q. What Were your discussions, doctor.
A. This is what the matter was about. Conti, apparently in collaboration with Himmler, had the intention to carry out as many possible abortions in the cases of pregnant Eastern women. In this connection a plan was taken under consideration which would make abortion compulsary. I resisted this plan very vehemently, and very soon afterwards a ruling was made by Conti in agreement with Himmler according to which abortions in the case of Eastern workers was permitted whenever they desired them. Certain formalities were provided in that connection so as to prevent the misuse of such abortions. The expert dealing with that question was a Munich gynecologist with whom Conti discussed these matters in detail and I remember that on the basis of my Objection against these compulsary abortions Mr. Conti gave the order that in the future he, Conti himself, should be contacted and I should be left out of these questions.
That resulted from my objection and also the fact that these abortions were not compulsary.
Q. Were you aware of the fact, Dr. Blome, that the Reich Health leader's office issued a decree or an order to the effect that the unborn offsprings of Eastern workers should be done away with?
A. Well, may I express the question in a different manner so as to avoid a misunderstanding. You are saying that Conti has issued an order to carry out compulsary abortions in the case of Eastern women. Is that right?
Q. That's right. You know that?
A. No I don't know it and I don't think this order was issued.
Q. Well, to refresh your memory I will show you the order, doctor. This is document NO-190. It will be Prosecution Exhibit 461 for identification.
JUDGE SEBRING: Is that number 461?
MR. HARDY: That is Prosecution Exhibit 461, your Honor, for identification. Will you kindly give the witness here a German copy?
BY MR. HARDY:
Q. Now, will you turn to the last page of this document, Dr. Blome, the last page.
A. If you want me to answer exactly --
Q. I just want to have you turn to the last page of this document. Now u you will notice there the sentence "I have been informed recently, that abortion on pregnant Eastern female workers may be performed. This communication was made to me confidentially. I would like to got more definite information, as this question may also come up here." Now, if you will turn to the next page.
A. The translation didn't come through. Will you please repeat your question?
Q. Does the Interpreter have a German copy of this document?
INTERPRETER: What paragraphs it?
Court. No. 1
HR. HARDY: The last page, the last paragraph. I will repeat it again. "I have been informed recently, that abortion on pregnant Eastern female workers may be performed. This communication was made to me confidentially I would like to get more definite----"
(interrupted by Dr. Sauter)
DR. SLUTER (Defense counsel for the defendant Dlono): Mr. President, I am in a dilemma, so to speak, for I really don't kn w what the defendant Blome is being accused of. For the la.t two hours I assumed that he was accused because he became a member of the National Socialist party or because he was a National Socialist. Then for another half hour I assumed that he is being accused of having founded a National Socialist Fuehrer school for young physicians and supervised it, but now it is ny inprossi n that it is the task of the defendant to answer to this American Tribunal because he allegedly participated in acts of abortion. That is completely new to me and it is quite new to me that this Tribunal should hava to judge about alleged acts of abortion. That is just a question of procedure. Now, Mr. President, something is being submitted to us; something which does not hear an aaddress, does not hear a date and has no signature. That, gentlemen, is nothing at all. With that the defendant or the defense can do n thing. If documents have to be submitted as evidence in this surprising manner at a tine when, for days and weeks, the prosecution's case has boon concluded against the defendant, I must, at least, ask that the defendant and the defense counsel bo given a photostat c y according to which it could be seen where this document originates, what date it bears, to whom it is addressed, and who actually did sign it. I object to the evaluation of this kind of document and I ask you to reject it.
THE PRESIDENT: Counsel's objection is well taken. The document which has boon furnished to the Tribunal is simply dated at Zell, 27 November 1943. It does not show where it came from, by what authority, who issued it or what it is.
MR. HARDY: This document purports to bo notes and fragments of reports by one Koblonz in May or November f 1943. This was a document which was a captured German document. Some of it is written in the back. It scons to be mimeographed notes of the SS offices and it is, as I said, fragmentary evidence of a report captured by the French. I will turn it over to the Tribunal for their perusal.
DR. SAUTER: Mr. President, in th t connection may I say that if any such piece of evidence is submitted I must demand that the submitted copies are at least complete. In ny copy there is no signature while there seems to be a signature on the original.