"Observation made on the factories prove that the portions received by the village workers will show insignificant; that there is not enough food to take with them to work. In most cases the workers do not even have a piece of bread for lunch during the midday. If some of them bring a lunch with them it consists of a meagre coffee and one or two pieces of dry bread, of raw potatoes, and in more than one time they don't even have this meagre pittance, and are satisfied to contain themselves with raw carrots, which they warm on a stove for their work."
I continue my quotation on page 150 of the same document:
"In this connection one must state that on visiting the mines, it appeared that nearly ten percent of the Polish workers which went down to work underground took with them only dry bread, or dry raw potatoes in slices which they then warmed on a stove." calories which was received by the Poles in Upper Silesia and compiling them with the number of calories received by the German population. I will not state a large excerpt produced from the document, but will only bring a few short ones to your Honors' notice. I start on page 63 of this investigation in the document, and on page 102, last paragraph of the document book:
"Comparison of the number of calories received by the Poles in Upper Silesia, and the number of calories allocated to the German population, proves that the Poles received 24 percent less than the German consumer, this difference reaching 26 percent on those food ration cards which are received by non-working Poles. For young people fourteen to twenty years old, these differences reach a difference between the Germans and the Poles which reaches 33-1/3 percent. This only applies, however, to this difference with the working young people from fourteen years old. This difference still averages more among the children ten to fourteen years of age but less than compared with that received by the German children. The difference here is not less than sixty-five percent. The special aspect of these underfed young people display quite clearly a difference. In a similar way the Polish children younger than ten years receive sixty percent less than the German children. Thus on the other hand the doctors state that the food conditions of the babies are not so unfavorable.
It was only varied while the mother feeds the child, as the child gets everything from her, but the under-feeding reacts not on the child but on the mother. Its strength and health, of course, is diminished by its under-feeding."
I continue on page 178 of the original document. It corresponds to page 107 in the document book:
"In all categories the consumer, the Polish youth in comparison to the German youth is in a most unfavorable position. The difference here reaches sixty percent, and even higher." this investigation, are also subject to investigation by the Tribunal; on page 76, from the excerpt from the report of the German Labor Front, dated 10 October 1941, after one of the mines of the Poles had been visited:
"It was ascertained that in the various villages, the Polish miners fell from exhaustion. The workers are constantly complaining of stomach pains. The doctors were questioned, and the latter answered that the reason for these pains was inadequate feeding." which was then done by the German workers from the district, or in the neighborhood, the excerpt which you will find on page 106 of the document book:
"In management of the factories, which is constantly undermined, it is impossible to incite the working people who are underfed and who are incapable of working except by threats of deportation to concentration camps. There must come a day when weakened bodies can no longer be capable of work."
of the Polish worker during the period of German occupation of Poland. This characteristic is of more value, as was stated previously by the authors in the investigation, that no human tendencies whatever motivated it. I began the quotation on page 127 of the document which corresponds to page 110, second paragraph of the Document Book. Quoting:
"The law does not give a person belonging to the Polish people any right to demand anything in any way.
Everything that is voluntary gift of the German masters."
Poles when they are not present before the law. Criminal jurisdiction is applied to them only from the point of view of obedience. Application of the law is a task of the police, which decides it at their discretion, and in those cases merely on their own initiative, and in some cases they can submit it to court. There is also an order dated 26 August 1942: "The Polish workers were obliged to pay premiums against illness and accidents, and invalids. It is a deduction out of the salary of the Polish worker which were larger than the deduction from the salary of the German. However, the German worker had some use of this insurance. The Poles were deprived of it, of this advantage. Book, which corresponds to page 134 of the original text:
"Insurance against accidents. It is organized by trade unions, and is purposely limited so far as the Poles are concerned.
The Germans.
When a German loses an eye that is considered thirty incapacitated.
Before receiving the premium the Poles must lose 33 1/3 percent of their working capacity."
page 111 of the Document Book:
"The rights of families of Polish workers are greatly limited.
the German; only if she has at least four children to support, or if she is an invalid."
she receives eighty percent of the yearly salary of her husband; that out of the annual amount she receives two thousand marks of the earnings of the premium, which is only 1600 marks a year; but the Pole would not receive anything in a similar case. to the temporary occupied eastern territories, but the latter were followed by their war specialists who were scientists and consultants in the economic problems, and so forth. Some of them were sent to Robbentrop's Office, and some others were sent by Rosenberg's office.
I beg the tribunal to add to the record one of these documents. I speak of USSR No. 218, and the report of the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the 17th Army, Captain Pflaiderer, whose address was "Official of Information Burea, Minister of Foreign Affairs" with von Randzau. The document was discovered by the Red Army in the State of Dirksen in Upper Silesia. While acquainted myself with these documents, I only can say in conclusion, that in 1941-42 Pflaiderer made a trip through the occupied territories of Jroslavl, through Ukrainia, Lvov, Tornopol, Proskurov, Aleksandria, Krirovoglad, and Krementshug. The object of this trip was an investigation of the economic and political conditions in the occupied territories of Ukrainia. The author of this document was also completely free of so-called humanitarian tendencies, which can be seen from the short excerpt from his report dated 28 October 1941, Pflaiderer's rights, the Tribunal will find it is quoted on page 113, second paragraph of the Document Book. I quote only one line; "There is an acute necessity to squeeze the country dry in order to secure the supplying of Germany." End of quote. was evident by the behavior of his compatriots, and I therefore consider it a privilege to draw the attention of the tribunal to the report of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in this respect I quote the report of Pflaiderer:
"The conditions guarantee the supply and the confiscation of a the conditions of the population by the end of this October, 1941."
"The frame of mind of the population follows in many cases immediately after occupation of the territory by our troops (what is the reason of this) with objection or inner hatred to this country's occupation, and I speak of arrogance towards these discipline.
We must not vent our discontent among the population.
"to mistakes it could hive easily been prevented of the population with loss of sympathy.
We shot in villages and localities prisoners not be understood by the population.
The troops had received wide Evidently, the supplying of our troops is of most important; how economic point of view; or the killing of the last pig, or the last cow."
I continue my quotation:
"The population is now without leadership. It stands apart, which feels that they look down upon them from above.
That we see sabotage in the tempering of the work.
We do not undertake any attempt to find any way of understanding the population."
A similar document is USSR No. 39, which is a political report of this USSR-PS 303, and was handed over to us. It is political report of a German professor-Doctor Paul Thompson, which was written on a letterhead of the Imperial University Poznan Biological Paleontlog Institute, and which was marked by the author "Not for publication." I quote page 116 of the Document Book. This document also acquaints one with these conditions of complete arbitrary restlessness as regard local population of a temporary occupied district of the Soviet Union, and those conditions were observed by this professor during his voyage through the occupied territories of the Soviet Union from Minsk to Crimea. I quote two short excerpts:
"The absence of humanitarian tendence of the author can be quite noted by source of the German enterprise."
THE PRESIDENT: We will adjourn now.
(The Tribunal adjourned until 26 February 1946, at 1000 hours)
THE PRESIDENT: I wanted to explain the Tribunal's decision with reference to General and General Warlimont.
Would Dr. Nelte kindly come to the Tribunal?
I wanted to ask you, Dr. Nelte, whether you were the only one of the defendants' counsel who wished to call General Halder and General Warlimont,
DR. NELTE (counsel for defendant Keitel): No. Besides myself, so far as I know, Dr. Laternser, Professor Kraus, and Professor Exner would like to call both Halder and Warlimont.
THE PRESIDENT: Very well, I understand.
The Tribunal's decision is this. The Tribunal ordered, when the Soviet prosecutor wished to out in the affidavits of these two Generals, that if they were put in, the witnesses must be produced for cross examination. However, in view of the fact that defendants' counsel have asked to call there witnesses themselves, the Tribunal is willing that the defendants' counsel should decide whether they prefer that those two generals should be produced now during the prosecutions' case, for cross examination, or should be called hereafter during the defendants' case for examination by the defendants, in which case, of course, they would be liable to cross examination on behalf of the prosecution. Tribunal made the other day -- either yesterday or the previous day, I forget which it was -- that these witnesses, like other witnesses, can only be called once, and when they are called, each of the defendant's counsel who wishes to put questions to them must do so at that time.
Well, if there were any difference of opinion among defendants' counsel, one defendant's counsel wishing to have the two generals produced now during the prosecution's case for cross examination, and other defendants' counsel wishing to have them called hereafter as witnesses on their behalf during the course of their case, then the Tribunal consider that in view of the order which they have already, made, Generals Halder and Warlimont ought to be produced and called, now.
And the same rule would apply, then. They could only be called once, and any questions which the other defendants' counsel wish to be put to them should be nut to them then. But the decision as to whether they should be called now or whether they should be called during the course of the defendants' case is accorded to defendants' counsel.
Is that clear?
DR. NELTE: Yes. I should like to request permission to give you our decision at the beginning of the afternoon session.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. You Can let us know at the beginning of the afternoon session what the decision of defendants' counsel is.
DR. NELTE: Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, Colonel Smirnov.
COLONEL SMIRNOV: I am continuing the quotation of the political report of Professor Paul Thompson, which was already submitted yesterday evening to the Tribunal. It is on page 116 of the document book. These are only two short excerpts of this political report.
"Although here in the East only scientific tasks have been entrusted to me, I consider myself obliged to add to my business report a general political report. I must frankly and honestly declare that I return home with very painful impressions.
"In this hour when the fats of our people is being decided, any mistake can have terrible consequences. We can solve the Polish or Czech problems our always, as the biological forces of our people will suffice. Such small nationalities as Estonians or Lithuanians must either adapt themselves to us or perish.
"But the case is quite different as far as the great Russian expanses are concerned. These expanses are so important for us as a basis of raw materials."
"I cannot judge of the economic measures, such as the crossing of the free market at Kiev, which was accepted by the population as a very heavy blow, for I do not know the general situation, but the flogging and the insulting in the streets, the senseless destruction of scientific institutions etc., which are still taking place in Dniepropetrovsk must be stopped and the guilty must be punished.
"Kiev, 19 October 1942. Professor Dr. Paul Thompson." the Tribunal. It stated that not people but territories were Germanized. which they intended committing in Yugoslavia. This crime could not be carried out, as a result of the liberation movement which broke out in Yugoslavia. I quote a short excerpt from the statement of the Yugoslav Government, which is at page 69, the 7th paragraph, of the document book.
"Immediately after the entry of the German troops into Slovenia, the Germans began to put into effect their long-standing plan for the forceful Germanization of the annexed parts of Slovenia. The leading Nazi circles were aware of the fact that a successful Germanization of Slovenia could not be carried out unless at least a greater part of the most nationally end socially conscious elements were previously removed from the country.
"Besides, it was often necessary to comb out the remaining popular masses and to destroy them economically so that their resistance to the German Nazi pressure of the German authorities should be the least possible.
"Part of the German plan for saw the complete purging of the Slovenes in certain parts of Slovenia, and the transferring of the German population into these territories from other parts, as, for instance, from Bessarabia.
"A few days after the occupation of Slovenia was completed, centers for deportation were established, with their staffs, in Maribore and Bled. Simultaneously, on the 22nd of April, 1941, the decree for strengthening Germandom was published, with the aim to confiscate the property of all persons and institutions unfriendly to the Reich, Naturally, such were considered all those Who, in accordance with the aforesaid plan, were to be deported from Slovenia.
"The Hitlerites undertook the practical realization of this plan. to Serbia and Croatia. The treatment of the arrested persons was very cruel. The entire property of arrested persons was confiscated in the interests of the Reich. Humorous assembly points were organized which were turned, in fact, into concentration camps, in Maribore, Zelie, and other localities." statement of the Yugoslav Government reads as follows, and this is on page 69, the fourth paragraph, of the document book:5 "Interned persons were left without food under the most unhygienic conditions and exposed to physical and spiritual torture of every kind at the hands of the camp's staff.
The camp commanders, as well as the entire staff, were recruited from the SS detachment, which included a large proportion of Germans from Carinthia and Styria, filled with hatred for 'everything that was Slovene or Yugoslav.
"The members of the so-called Kulturbund, particularly, distinguished themselves for their cruelty." Tribunal, as USSR Exhibit 139, a letter of the German Military Commandateur in Smeredow to the Yugoslav Quisling, Commissar Stefanovitch, which contains an order to state the possibilities of transferring a large number of Slovenes to Serbia. This document is on page 119 of the document book. corresponds to page 69, the 7th paragraph, of the document book, it is stated that at first the Germans intended to transfer to Serbia 260,000 Slovenes. However, this plan met with a number of difficulties.
I quote one paragraph from the Yugoslav Government report:
"However, as it proved that the transfer of such a large number of Slovenes to Serbia was a very difficult task, negotiations shortly took place between German authorities and the Quisling Oustashi administration in Zagreb over the question of transporting the departed Slovenes across the incorporated territory and accommodating a certain number of these Slovenes in Croatia itself, as well as deporting the Serbs from Croatia." of a conference which took place on the 4th of June, 1941, at the German Mission in Zagreb. At this conference the Obergruppenfuehrer of the SA, 'Siegfried Kasche, German Ambassador in Zagreb, presided. These minutes were seized in the archives of the Refugee Commissariat of the Government of Milan Neditch. In the minutes one reads about the expulsion of the Slovenes from Germany to Croatia and Serbia, as well as of the Serbs from Croatia into Serbia. This excerpt reads as follows:
"The discussions were approved by the Minister of foreign Affairs of the Reich by telegram number 389, dated May 31. The Fuehrer's approval for the procedure of deportation was communicated here in a telegram number 344, dated May 21.
"Thus, we can ascertain the immediate responsibility of the defendant von Ribbentrop for this crime against humanity. Government that the transfer of a large number of Slovenes to Germany was carried out. Tribunal will find on page 70, the last paragraph, of the document book:
"Shortly afterwards, deportation began. In the early hours of the morning German motor cars would arrive in certain villages and the soldiers and Gestape men, armed with machine guns and rifles, would enter houses and order the inhabitants to take as much of their belongings as they could carry in their own hands, and to leave their homes immediately. Sometimes they were given only a few minutes to leave their homes and all their property "They were taken in Army trucks to the Trappist Monastery of Reichenberg from whence the transports were to leave.
Each transport consisted of 600 to 1,200 persons to be taken to Germany.
"Thus, the. Bregiza District was completely depopulated and the District of Kirshke up to 90 percent; 56,000 inhabitants were deported from those two districts, and another 4,000 from the Parish of Zirkovziat, near Ktuja."
I skip one paragraph and continue:
"The deportees were forced to perform the most difficult kinds of work and to live under the worst possible conditions. For this reason the death rate reached enormous proportions. For every offense, even the most insignificant ones, severe penalties were applied." the same matter. the supplementary official report of the Yugoslav Government, which I am now presenting under number 357. of occupied Poland. I quote a few short excerpts from the official report of the Polish Government. The Tribunal will find this excerpt on page 3, paragraph 3, of the document book. This part is entitled, "The Germanization of Poland," "A. Plan."
"A clear indication of the program to this effect is found in a letter distributed among members of the National Socialist Party in Germany in 1940. It contained the principles of the German policy in the East. Here are some quotations from this document:
"Militarily the Polish question is settled, but from the point of view if national policy it is now only beginning for Germany. The national political conflict between the Germans and Poles must be carried on to a degree never yet seen in history.
"The aim which confronts German policy in the field of the former Polish state is twofold: First, to see that a certain portion of this space is cleared of foreign population and filled with German population; and second, by imposing German leadership in order to guarantee that in that area no fresh conflagrations should ever break out against Germany. It is clear that such an aim can never be achieved with, but only against, the Poles." Government report, which is on page 5 of the document book. This part is entitled "The Colonization of Poland by German Settlers." authorities. The Ost Deutsche Beobachter of May 7, 1941, printed the following proclamation:
"For the first time in German history we can exploit our military victories politically. Never again will even a centimeter of the earth which we have conquered belong to a Pole."
This was the plan. The facts which were put into practice were the following:
"Locality after locality, village after village, towns and cities, were cleared of the Polish inhabitants in the incorporated territories. This began as early as October 1939, when the town of Orlova was cleared of all Poles who lived and worked there.
"Then came the Polish harbor of Gdynia. By February 1940 about 40,000 persons were expelled from the city of Posnan. Their place was taken by 36,000 Germans, military families and families of German officials.
The Polish population was expelled from the following towns:
Gnesno, Helmno, Kostian, Neshiva, and many others.
"The German newspaper Grenzzeitung, the frontier paper, reported that by February 1940 the entire center of the City of Lodz was cleared of Poles and reserved for German settlers to come.
"By September 1940, the total number of Poles deported from Lodz was estimated at 150,000.
"But it was not only that the persons living in these places were ordered to leave. They were not allowed to take their property with them; everything was to be left behind. The places of these Poles who were deported from their homes, shops and estates were taken by the German newcomers. By January 1941, more than 250,000 Germans had been thus resettled," attention to the part entitled "Germanization of Polish children."
"Thousands of Polish children between the ages of 7 and 14 were ruthlessly taken away from their parents and families and carried off to Germany. The purpose of that most brutal measure was explained by the Germans themselves. The Koelnische Zeitung stated, in the issue for 1940:
"'They are to be taught German. They will also have the German spirit grafted into them, in order to bring them up as model German girls and boys.'" of the cannibal plan for the destruction and dissemination of the Soviet people, peaceful citizens, I beg the Tribunal to call to this court the witness Grigoriev, a peasant of the village of Pavlov, Kusnezov village of the Porkhov District, the Pskov region, situated near Leningrad. As far As I know, he is now at the disposal of the Tribunal. I beg the Tribunal to allow the questioning of this witness.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, certainly. By THE PRESIDENT:
Q What is your name?
Q Will you take this oath? summoned as witness in this trial, do promise and swear, in the presence of the Court, to tell the Court nothing but the truth about everything I know in regard to this case.
(The witness repeated the oath).
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down. BY COLONEL SMIRNOV:
Q Please tell us, witness, in which village did you live before the war?
Q In which village were you during the war?
Q Does this village exist now?
THE PRESIDENT: You must answer slowly, and after pausing, because the question has got to go through the interpreters and your answer has got to go through the interpreters. Do you understand?
THE WITNESS: I understand. BY COLONEL SMIRNOV:
Q I beg you to answer again. Does this village in which you were at the outbreak of the war exist? inhabitants. our village and began to exterminate the peaceful citizens. They shot them, knocked them down in the houses. Nicholas. Suddenly a German soldier entered our house and told us -
THE PRESIDENT: When you see the light on that desk, or this one, it means that you are going too fast. Do you understand?
THE WITNESS: I understand, yes.
COLONEL SMIRNOV: Please speak slowly, witness. Continue, please.
THE PRESIDENT: You said you were working with your two sons in the field.
THE WITNESS: Yes, my two sons.
BY COLONEL SMIRNOV: edge of the village. There were 19 of us in that house. We were sitting in the house; I sat near the window. I am looking out of the window; German soldiers are driving a large crowd of people. I noticed my wife and my youngest son, nine years old. But when they were driven up to the house they were sent back again, whore I do not know. armed with pistols, and we were ordered to go into another room. We were lined up against a wall, 19 of us, among them I and my two sons, and they began shooting at us with their machine guns. I stood near the wall, bending down a little. When they began shooting I fell on the floor, and, out of fright, I did not move. When they had shot everybody they went away and left the house. there. He was shot and was lying face downwards. My second son -- I did not see whether my other son was alive or dead.
Then, a little while later, I began to think how I could escape. I stretched out my feet and tried to disentangle myself from another person who had fallen on me, and I began to think how I could escape. I began to shout that I would leave. My little son recognized my voice, my second son, who was still alive. My eldest son was dead. He shouted to me, "Papa, are you alive?"
Q And how was your second son wounded?
A He was wounded in the leg. I asked him, and he said "Yes, I an badly wounded." I tried to console him and tell him, "Don't be afraid, I won't leave you here, we will escape somehow. I will take you out of this house."
We waited a little. The house began to burn. I then opened the window and took up my wounded son and jumped out of the window. Then we began to crawl away from the house, trying to do it so that the Germans should not notice us. On our way we suddenly saw a large fence. We did not manage to drive this fence in, and while I was trying to climb over, German soldiers noticed us and they began to shoot at us. I then told my son to hide and that I would run away, as he could not run.
He then crept into the bushes, which grew next to the fence, and I ran.
house. I sat there a little, and then decided to run away further. Thus, I reached the neighboring forest, which lay not far from our village, and spent the night there.
In the morning I met the peasant Alexeiev. That peasant told me that my son Alexei was still alive, and that he had managed to crawl away to the neighboring village. village, Bolvitsa, who was a refugee from Leningrad who was living in our village during the occupation. He also managed to escape from the burning houses, and he told me what happened in the second house, where my wife and small boy were. The German soldiers, having driven the people into the village, did not go into the hut to shoot them: they simply fired at them from the doorway. Half the people were burnt alive. Among them was also my 9-yearold boy, Peter. As he ran out of this hut, my son Peter was still alive. He was sitting under a bench and hiding his face in his hands.
Q Please tell me, "Witness, how old was the oldest inhabitant of the village?
A The oldest inhabitant was 108 years old. It was an old woman called Artemova. destroyed by the Germans?
Q Tell me, how many villagers were exterminated?
Q Why were these inhabitants exterminated?
Q And what do the Germans say? Did they say anything? taking us away.
He said, "Do you know the village of Maxima?"
I answered, "Yes, I know Maxima. Maxima kaput."
And he answered, "And the inhabitants kaput, and you, too, kaput."
Q And why kaput?
A He says, "The partisans are in your village." But this was not true, because no partisans came to our village and none of our villagers were in partisan bands and nobody was there; only old people and little children remained in this village, and we did not know which partisans they meant.
Q Were there many men left in your village? witted. The others were old people or children. All the other men were in the army. suffer this fate?
A No, not only our inhabitants. The German soldiers shot 43 persons in Polishna; in Shilova they shot or burned alive 47 persons; in the village where I am living now they burned 23 persons, and in many other villages they shot also about 300 persons--aged persons and children.
Q Please repeat how many persons were shot in your village, Soviet?
Q Who remained alive in your family?
A I and only my son remain a live. My wife, who was pregnant; my eldest son, Nicholas; and my youngest son, 9 year-old Peter, were killed. And then, also, the wife of the brother of my wife, with two children.
COLONEL SMIRNOV: I have no further questions to ask this witness, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Do any of the other prosecutors wish to ask the witness any questions? Do any of the Defendants' Counsel wish to ask the witness any questions? Then the witness may retire.
(The witness was excused.)
COLONEL SMIRNOV: Mr. President, I pass on to the next count of my statement, the discrimination of Soviet people. Hitlerite criminals. It was carried out systematically and everywhere. themselves, which only recently have been put at the disposal of the Soviet Prosecution.
They were found by the Extraordinary State Commission in the POW Camp at Lamsov.
I submit to the Tribunal as USSR Exhibit 115 a communication of the Extraordinary State Commission on the crimes committed by the German Government and the German High Command against Soviet prisoners of war in the camp of Lamsov.
found in the archives of the camp. I will be able to submit several original documents to the Tribunal. The contents of these documents consist, in effect, that even in the terrible regime created in one of the camps, the criminals, true to the cannibalistic principles of their theories, carried out discrimination against Soviet citizens. I will quote a few excerpts from this report of the Extraordinary State Commission. This quotation is on page 123 of the document book, paragraph 4. It gives the general characteristics of this camp.
"Following the investigation carried out by the Extraordinary State Commission, the latter have ascertained that in Lamsov, in the district 'of the town of Oppeln, in the period between 1941 to May 1945, there existed a German station camp number 344. In 1940 and 1941 Polish prisoners of war were kept in this camp, and beginning with the end of 1941, Soviet, English and French prisoners of war were interned there."
"The prisoners of war were deprived of their outer clothes and shoes, and they had to go barefoot even in winter. During the existence of this camp, not less than 300,000 prisoners of war were there. Out of this number, 200,000 Soviet and 100,000 Polish, English, French and Belgian prisoners of war were interned there.
"One of the most current methods of extermination of the Soviet prisoners of war in the camp of Lamsov was the selling of the internees to various German industrial concerns, which mercilessly exploited them. As a contrast to the numerous German labor exchanges, where the plenipotentiaries of Sauckel sold Soviet citizens to German housewives, in the Lamsov camp there occurred the gross sale of prisoners of war, who were grouped in work commandos. There were in all 111 of such commandos." I will now try to prove. I do not wish to say that the regime created by the Germans as regards the British, French or other prisoners of war was either humane or soft, and that the Soviet prisoners of war were exterminated by the administration of the camp by various methods.