"The members of the so-called Kulturbund, particularly, distinguished themselves for their cruelty." Tribunal, as USSR Exhibit 139, a letter of the German Military Commandateur in Smeredow to the Yugoslav Quisling, Commissar Stefanovitch, which contains an order to state the possibilities of transferring a large number of Slovenes to Serbia. This document is on page 119 of the document book. corresponds to page 69, the 7th paragraph, of the document book, it is stated that at first the Germans intended to transfer to Serbia 260,000 Slovenes. However, this plan met with a number of difficulties.
I quote one paragraph from the Yugoslav Government report:
"However, as it proved that the transfer of such a large number of Slovenes to Serbia was a very difficult task, negotiations shortly took place between German authorities and the Quisling Oustashi administration in Zagreb over the question of transporting the departed Slovenes across the incorporated territory and accommodating a certain number of these Slovenes in Croatia itself, as well as deporting the Serbs from Croatia." of a conference which took place on the 4th of June, 1941, at the German Mission in Zagreb. At this conference the Obergruppenfuehrer of the SA, 'Siegfried Kasche, German Ambassador in Zagreb, presided. These minutes were seized in the archives of the Refugee Commissariat of the Government of Milan Neditch. In the minutes one reads about the expulsion of the Slovenes from Germany to Croatia and Serbia, as well as of the Serbs from Croatia into Serbia. This excerpt reads as follows:
"The discussions were approved by the Minister of foreign Affairs of the Reich by telegram number 389, dated May 31. The Fuehrer's approval for the procedure of deportation was communicated here in a telegram number 344, dated May 21.
"Thus, we can ascertain the immediate responsibility of the defendant von Ribbentrop for this crime against humanity. Government that the transfer of a large number of Slovenes to Germany was carried out. Tribunal will find on page 70, the last paragraph, of the document book:
"Shortly afterwards, deportation began. In the early hours of the morning German motor cars would arrive in certain villages and the soldiers and Gestape men, armed with machine guns and rifles, would enter houses and order the inhabitants to take as much of their belongings as they could carry in their own hands, and to leave their homes immediately. Sometimes they were given only a few minutes to leave their homes and all their property "They were taken in Army trucks to the Trappist Monastery of Reichenberg from whence the transports were to leave.
Each transport consisted of 600 to 1,200 persons to be taken to Germany.
"Thus, the. Bregiza District was completely depopulated and the District of Kirshke up to 90 percent; 56,000 inhabitants were deported from those two districts, and another 4,000 from the Parish of Zirkovziat, near Ktuja."
I skip one paragraph and continue:
"The deportees were forced to perform the most difficult kinds of work and to live under the worst possible conditions. For this reason the death rate reached enormous proportions. For every offense, even the most insignificant ones, severe penalties were applied." the same matter. the supplementary official report of the Yugoslav Government, which I am now presenting under number 357. of occupied Poland. I quote a few short excerpts from the official report of the Polish Government. The Tribunal will find this excerpt on page 3, paragraph 3, of the document book. This part is entitled, "The Germanization of Poland," "A. Plan."
"A clear indication of the program to this effect is found in a letter distributed among members of the National Socialist Party in Germany in 1940. It contained the principles of the German policy in the East. Here are some quotations from this document:
"Militarily the Polish question is settled, but from the point of view if national policy it is now only beginning for Germany. The national political conflict between the Germans and Poles must be carried on to a degree never yet seen in history.
"The aim which confronts German policy in the field of the former Polish state is twofold: First, to see that a certain portion of this space is cleared of foreign population and filled with German population; and second, by imposing German leadership in order to guarantee that in that area no fresh conflagrations should ever break out against Germany. It is clear that such an aim can never be achieved with, but only against, the Poles." Government report, which is on page 5 of the document book. This part is entitled "The Colonization of Poland by German Settlers." authorities. The Ost Deutsche Beobachter of May 7, 1941, printed the following proclamation:
"For the first time in German history we can exploit our military victories politically. Never again will even a centimeter of the earth which we have conquered belong to a Pole."
This was the plan. The facts which were put into practice were the following:
"Locality after locality, village after village, towns and cities, were cleared of the Polish inhabitants in the incorporated territories. This began as early as October 1939, when the town of Orlova was cleared of all Poles who lived and worked there.
"Then came the Polish harbor of Gdynia. By February 1940 about 40,000 persons were expelled from the city of Posnan. Their place was taken by 36,000 Germans, military families and families of German officials.
The Polish population was expelled from the following towns:
Gnesno, Helmno, Kostian, Neshiva, and many others.
"The German newspaper Grenzzeitung, the frontier paper, reported that by February 1940 the entire center of the City of Lodz was cleared of Poles and reserved for German settlers to come.
"By September 1940, the total number of Poles deported from Lodz was estimated at 150,000.
"But it was not only that the persons living in these places were ordered to leave. They were not allowed to take their property with them; everything was to be left behind. The places of these Poles who were deported from their homes, shops and estates were taken by the German newcomers. By January 1941, more than 250,000 Germans had been thus resettled," attention to the part entitled "Germanization of Polish children."
"Thousands of Polish children between the ages of 7 and 14 were ruthlessly taken away from their parents and families and carried off to Germany. The purpose of that most brutal measure was explained by the Germans themselves. The Koelnische Zeitung stated, in the issue for 1940:
"'They are to be taught German. They will also have the German spirit grafted into them, in order to bring them up as model German girls and boys.'" of the cannibal plan for the destruction and dissemination of the Soviet people, peaceful citizens, I beg the Tribunal to call to this court the witness Grigoriev, a peasant of the village of Pavlov, Kusnezov village of the Porkhov District, the Pskov region, situated near Leningrad. As far As I know, he is now at the disposal of the Tribunal. I beg the Tribunal to allow the questioning of this witness.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, certainly. By THE PRESIDENT:
Q What is your name?
Q Will you take this oath? summoned as witness in this trial, do promise and swear, in the presence of the Court, to tell the Court nothing but the truth about everything I know in regard to this case.
(The witness repeated the oath).
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down. BY COLONEL SMIRNOV:
Q Please tell us, witness, in which village did you live before the war?
Q In which village were you during the war?
Q Does this village exist now?
THE PRESIDENT: You must answer slowly, and after pausing, because the question has got to go through the interpreters and your answer has got to go through the interpreters. Do you understand?
THE WITNESS: I understand. BY COLONEL SMIRNOV:
Q I beg you to answer again. Does this village in which you were at the outbreak of the war exist? inhabitants. our village and began to exterminate the peaceful citizens. They shot them, knocked them down in the houses. Nicholas. Suddenly a German soldier entered our house and told us -
THE PRESIDENT: When you see the light on that desk, or this one, it means that you are going too fast. Do you understand?
THE WITNESS: I understand, yes.
COLONEL SMIRNOV: Please speak slowly, witness. Continue, please.
THE PRESIDENT: You said you were working with your two sons in the field.
THE WITNESS: Yes, my two sons.
BY COLONEL SMIRNOV: edge of the village. There were 19 of us in that house. We were sitting in the house; I sat near the window. I am looking out of the window; German soldiers are driving a large crowd of people. I noticed my wife and my youngest son, nine years old. But when they were driven up to the house they were sent back again, whore I do not know. armed with pistols, and we were ordered to go into another room. We were lined up against a wall, 19 of us, among them I and my two sons, and they began shooting at us with their machine guns. I stood near the wall, bending down a little. When they began shooting I fell on the floor, and, out of fright, I did not move. When they had shot everybody they went away and left the house. there. He was shot and was lying face downwards. My second son -- I did not see whether my other son was alive or dead.
Then, a little while later, I began to think how I could escape. I stretched out my feet and tried to disentangle myself from another person who had fallen on me, and I began to think how I could escape. I began to shout that I would leave. My little son recognized my voice, my second son, who was still alive. My eldest son was dead. He shouted to me, "Papa, are you alive?"
Q And how was your second son wounded?
A He was wounded in the leg. I asked him, and he said "Yes, I an badly wounded." I tried to console him and tell him, "Don't be afraid, I won't leave you here, we will escape somehow. I will take you out of this house."
We waited a little. The house began to burn. I then opened the window and took up my wounded son and jumped out of the window. Then we began to crawl away from the house, trying to do it so that the Germans should not notice us. On our way we suddenly saw a large fence. We did not manage to drive this fence in, and while I was trying to climb over, German soldiers noticed us and they began to shoot at us. I then told my son to hide and that I would run away, as he could not run.
He then crept into the bushes, which grew next to the fence, and I ran.
house. I sat there a little, and then decided to run away further. Thus, I reached the neighboring forest, which lay not far from our village, and spent the night there.
In the morning I met the peasant Alexeiev. That peasant told me that my son Alexei was still alive, and that he had managed to crawl away to the neighboring village. village, Bolvitsa, who was a refugee from Leningrad who was living in our village during the occupation. He also managed to escape from the burning houses, and he told me what happened in the second house, where my wife and small boy were. The German soldiers, having driven the people into the village, did not go into the hut to shoot them: they simply fired at them from the doorway. Half the people were burnt alive. Among them was also my 9-yearold boy, Peter. As he ran out of this hut, my son Peter was still alive. He was sitting under a bench and hiding his face in his hands.
Q Please tell me, "Witness, how old was the oldest inhabitant of the village?
A The oldest inhabitant was 108 years old. It was an old woman called Artemova. destroyed by the Germans?
Q Tell me, how many villagers were exterminated?
Q Why were these inhabitants exterminated?
Q And what do the Germans say? Did they say anything? taking us away.
He said, "Do you know the village of Maxima?"
I answered, "Yes, I know Maxima. Maxima kaput."
And he answered, "And the inhabitants kaput, and you, too, kaput."
Q And why kaput?
A He says, "The partisans are in your village." But this was not true, because no partisans came to our village and none of our villagers were in partisan bands and nobody was there; only old people and little children remained in this village, and we did not know which partisans they meant.
Q Were there many men left in your village? witted. The others were old people or children. All the other men were in the army. suffer this fate?
A No, not only our inhabitants. The German soldiers shot 43 persons in Polishna; in Shilova they shot or burned alive 47 persons; in the village where I am living now they burned 23 persons, and in many other villages they shot also about 300 persons--aged persons and children.
Q Please repeat how many persons were shot in your village, Soviet?
Q Who remained alive in your family?
A I and only my son remain a live. My wife, who was pregnant; my eldest son, Nicholas; and my youngest son, 9 year-old Peter, were killed. And then, also, the wife of the brother of my wife, with two children.
COLONEL SMIRNOV: I have no further questions to ask this witness, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Do any of the other prosecutors wish to ask the witness any questions? Do any of the Defendants' Counsel wish to ask the witness any questions? Then the witness may retire.
(The witness was excused.)
COLONEL SMIRNOV: Mr. President, I pass on to the next count of my statement, the discrimination of Soviet people. Hitlerite criminals. It was carried out systematically and everywhere. themselves, which only recently have been put at the disposal of the Soviet Prosecution.
They were found by the Extraordinary State Commission in the POW Camp at Lamsov.
I submit to the Tribunal as USSR Exhibit 115 a communication of the Extraordinary State Commission on the crimes committed by the German Government and the German High Command against Soviet prisoners of war in the camp of Lamsov.
found in the archives of the camp. I will be able to submit several original documents to the Tribunal. The contents of these documents consist, in effect, that even in the terrible regime created in one of the camps, the criminals, true to the cannibalistic principles of their theories, carried out discrimination against Soviet citizens. I will quote a few excerpts from this report of the Extraordinary State Commission. This quotation is on page 123 of the document book, paragraph 4. It gives the general characteristics of this camp.
"Following the investigation carried out by the Extraordinary State Commission, the latter have ascertained that in Lamsov, in the district 'of the town of Oppeln, in the period between 1941 to May 1945, there existed a German station camp number 344. In 1940 and 1941 Polish prisoners of war were kept in this camp, and beginning with the end of 1941, Soviet, English and French prisoners of war were interned there."
"The prisoners of war were deprived of their outer clothes and shoes, and they had to go barefoot even in winter. During the existence of this camp, not less than 300,000 prisoners of war were there. Out of this number, 200,000 Soviet and 100,000 Polish, English, French and Belgian prisoners of war were interned there.
"One of the most current methods of extermination of the Soviet prisoners of war in the camp of Lamsov was the selling of the internees to various German industrial concerns, which mercilessly exploited them. As a contrast to the numerous German labor exchanges, where the plenipotentiaries of Sauckel sold Soviet citizens to German housewives, in the Lamsov camp there occurred the gross sale of prisoners of war, who were grouped in work commandos. There were in all 111 of such commandos." I will now try to prove. I do not wish to say that the regime created by the Germans as regards the British, French or other prisoners of war was either humane or soft, and that the Soviet prisoners of war were exterminated by the administration of the camp by various methods.
Not at all, The camp in Lamsov actually followed the object of exterminating prisoners of war without discrimination as to nationality or citizenship. However, even in this extermination camp, in the terrible conditions created for the prisoners of war of all nationalities, the German Fascists, committing fiendish crimes against humanity and true to the principles of their vile theories, created specially intolerable conditions for the Soviet people. documents which have been found among the archives of this camp, and which I will now submit in the original copies. All of these documents testify to the discrimination against Soviet prisoners of war which was carried out by the administration of the camp, following orders of the Reich Government and of the Supreme Command. concerning the utilization of labor of Soviet prisoners of war, which is addressed by the chief of the prisoner of war department of the 8th military district to the administration of industrial concerns. I beg the Tribunal to accept this document as evidence. I submit it in the original. I quote point 10 of this memorandum. This quotation is the last paragraph of page 150 of the document book.
"As far as the treatment of Russian prisoners of war is concerned, the following directives are to be put into effect.
"The Russian prisoners of war have passed through the school of Bolshevism. They must be looked upon as bolsheviks and must be treated as such. According to Soviet instructions, even when prisoners they must actively straggle against the state which has imprisoned them. Therefore, from the beginning, we must treat all Russian prisoners of war with merciless strictness, if we have only the slightest pretext for this.
"The complete isolation of the prisoners of war from the civilian population whilst working or whilst resting must be respected. All civilian persons who endeavor to approach the Russian prisoners of war whilst working to try to talk to them, to hand money or food products to then, or similar objects, must be taken into custody, questioned and handed over to the police."
I quote the introduction to this memorandum. It is on page 147 of the document bock.
"The General Staff Armed Forces issued an order regarding the utilization of labor of the Soviet prisoners of war, according to which the utilization of the Russian prisoners of war must be tolerated only on condition that the conditions should be far stricter than those which refer to prisoners of war of other nationalities." the Soviet prisoners of war only for the solo reason that they are Soviet peoples was not an arbitrary action of the administration of the Lamsov camp. They were dictated by the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. While elaborating on this memorandum, the administration of the Lamsov camp only put into effect the direct instruction of the Supreme Command. characteristic. This is paragraph 4, which is on page 149 of the document book, last paragraph.
"As a contrast to the very strict conditions of security to be applied to the residential quarters, the living conditions of these quarters can be simplified to a minimum." I will try to show later what this meant.
Now, article 7, which is on page 150 of the document book:
"The food rations for working Russian prisoners of war differ from the Russians who are quartered to prisoners of war of other nationalities. Further notice will be given later regarding this question."
concerns which employed Russian prisoners of war. which was addressed to the guards of the Soviet prisoners of war. This document is present in its original copy, and I bog the Tribunal to add it to the record. I wish to quote a few short excerpts from this memorandum. I will first read that part of the document, which informs us as to the sources. On the first page of the document it is stated that it is an appendix to "A Directive of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces," with the number and date. I now read the introduction of this memorandum, which is on page 152 of the document book.
"For the first time in this war, the German soldier has to do with an adversary who is not only instructed in a military sense, but also in a political sense, whose ideal is communism and who sees in National Socialism its worst enemy.
"Even when he is a prisoner, the soldier, however inoffensive he may appear, will exploit every possibility to show his hatred to everything that is German. We must envisage or consider that the prisoners of war have received corresponding instruction as to their behavior while prisoners." absurdity of these so-called "special instructions." Therefore I will not dwell on this sentence. I continue.
"Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to show maximum wariness and greatest prudence as regards these prisoners. The following directives have been issued to the guards. First, the adoption of terroristic measures at the first appearance of the smallest symptoms of resistance or disobedience.
In order to suppress resistance, one must revert to arms. All prisoners of war who attempt to escape must be fired upon without hailing." And in brackets it is stated: "Without hailing with a view to hitting them." 3 of this memorandum. It is on page 153 of the document book, second paragraph. I quote only three lines:
"As to the assiduous and obedient prisoners of war, all displays of softness are out of place, for they will be considered as a demonstration of weakness and the prisoners will draw the corresponding conclusions out of this attitude." last paragraph of the document book:
"The apparent inoffensiveness of the bolshevik prisoners of war must never lead to abandonment of the aforementioned instructions." utilization of the Soviet prisoners of war for labor by industry. It stated that the conditions, living conditions, of these prisoners could be simplified to the minimum. The Tribunal will see what this meant when I submit a report of the chief for supplies and equipment of the army, dated 17 October 1941, and which was distributed by the deputy of the chief of supplies and equipment of the army. It is USSR Exhibit 422, and is an original document, and I beg the Tribunal to add this to the record. It was issued in Berlin and is dated 17 October 1941. I quote only one excerpt of this document. It is on page 154 of the document book.
"Subject: Billeting of Soviet Prisoners of War.
"At the conference held on the 19th of September, 1941, at the office of the chief of supplies and equipment of the army, it was decided that by constructing several bunks, one over the other, in the barracks which were designated for 150 prisoners of war, one could billet 840 persons, following the draft of the barracks for the Soviet prisoners of war."
I will not quote the remaining part of this document. I consider that this quotation is sufficiently significant. are also presented in the original copy, which prove that the extermination of Soviet prisoners of war for political reasons was systematically carried out in the camps. I will first submit, as USSR Exhibit 32, this document, presented in the original copy, and I beg the Tribunal to add it to the record.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will adjourn now.
(A recess was taken).
COLONEL SMIRNOV: I cite the document already submitted to the Court. The place which I asked the Court's permission to read is on page 153, Point 4 of the order:
"The matter of the Shooting of the Prisoners of War. Judicial Investigator.
"Every case of shooting or serious wounding of a prisoner of war should be reported if it concerns English, French, Belgium or American prisoners of war. In these cases, one should also act in accordance with instructions of the High Command."
This order was dated 2 August 1943. On 5 November 1943 there was another order changing this directive with regard to the Soviet prisoners of war. I request that the Tribunal accept as evidence the document submitted as No. 433 with regard to Camp No. 86. From this document I shall cite just one paragraph, Paragraph 12:
"The shooting of prisoners of war. Judicial Investigator.
"With regard to the shooting of Soviet prisoners of war and other unfortunate accidents that take place with regard to them, it is not necessary to report by telephone to the Chief of the Section of Prisoner of War Affairs, as this is an unusual occurrence." sum for the work of the prisoners of war, but even here the Soviet prisoners of war were placed in conditions much worst than the prisoners of war of other nations. To confirm this, I request that the Tribunal accept as evidence the directive of the High Command of Germany dated 1 March 1944.
The document shall be submitted as USSR 427. I request that the Tribunal attach it to the materials of the Trial is evidence. From this document I shall cite only two sentences. These sentences the members of the Tribunal will find on page 172 of the document book:
"The prisoners of war who work all day will receive for the full working day the basic, salary -- but not the Soviet prisoners of war, 0.70 RM. The Soviet prisoners of war will receive 0.35 RM." last paragraph:
"The minimum daily wages will consist of 0.20 RM for the non-Soviet prisoners, 0.10 RM far the Soviet prisoners of war." to take a few breaths of fresh air, the Soviet people were deprived even of that. I request that the Tribunal accept as USSR 424 the order concerning Camp No. 44. From this directive, I ask permission to quote one sentence from Paragraph 7, entitled, "The Prisoners of War." It begins like this?
"On those special occasions, when prisoners of war, as a result of their living quarters being at the same place as their work, and if in those cases they have no opportunity ever to be in the fresh air, in that case the prisoners of war should be allowed to be taken out into the fresh air from, time to time." cerning Camp No. 46. This document is submitted as USSR 425. I remind the Tribunal that the directive, the preceding order, concerning fresh air for the prisoners of war was No. 7. I am citing one sentence from the ten points of Order No. 46, which is entitled "Fresh Air", or Walks in the Fresh Air for Prisoners of War."
"The basis of this section is the order of the Chief of the Section of Prisoner of War Affairs, dated 2 June 1942. The supplement of Point 7 of the order concerning Camp No. 44, dating from 1943, explains that the order does not concern Soviet prisoners of war." of the report of the Labor Administrator concerning prisoners of war and their utilization for labor.
I quote two sentences: The place where I have asked permission to quote is on page 160 of the document folder, beginning:
"It is necessary to replace 104 English prisoners of war in the work brigade by 150 Soviet prisoners of war. The change is necessary by reason of the demands of the plan. Filling the work brigade with English prisoners of war and increasing the number of the brigade becomes impossible. After checking the inmates of the camp in the last few months, it was established that the quota provided, for the camp was only sufficient for 104 British prisoners of war. Therefore, there is not enough room for 160. However, the same living quarters could accomodate 160 Soviet prisoners of war," I request the permission of the Tribunal to quote one more document; specifically, Section No. 8 with regard to this camp, dated 7 May 1942.
It is entitled "The Utilization for Labor of Soviet Prisoners of War." I submit this document in the original as No. USSR 426, and I ask that it be attacked to the material of the trial as evidence. I am quoting on sentence, containing the confession on the part of the Germans themselves:
"Practically all Soviet prisoners of war, without exception, in fact, all, are in a state of exhaustion. This does not allow their utilization at the present time for normal work."
The headquarters of the High Command was concerned with two questions: First, supplying Soviet prisoners of war with blankets, and second, with the question of the burial of those who died as a result of the pitiless regime of the concentration camp.
Both of these questions found solutions in the same document. I submit this document to the Tribunal as USSR 429, and I request that the Tribunal attach this to the material of the trial as evidence. The Tribunal can find it on page 162 of the document book. This is a directive of the 8th Military District, dated 28 October 1942. I quote the text:
"In accordance with the decision of the conference which took place at the headquarters, the following directive is issued:
"First, Soviet prisoners of war will receive cotton blankets, which they themselves should make into comforters by filling them with cotton and paper scraps or similar material. The cloth will be supplied by Headquarters."
The second section, which follows, is entitled, "The Burial of Soviet Prisoners of War: The Soviet prisoners of war should be buried naked, wrapped in paper and without coffins. The coffins should be used only for transporting the bodies. In the work brigades, the burial will be done by the local authorities. The expenses of the burial will be paid by the concentration camp for prisoners of war. The undressing of the prisoners of war will be done by the guards. /Signed/ Grosseketler." the burial of the Soviet prisoners of war; the Ministry of the Interor was also concerned with this. It sent to the camp for prisoners of war an urgent letter which had a special sentence stating it must not be published. I request the Tribunal to accept this as evidence as USSR No. 430.
The members of the Tribunal can find it on page 276 of the document folder. I quote simply a few sentence from this rather voluminous document --five sentences, to be exact. They begin like this:
"Pursuing the aims of economy, the military establishment should be asked to provide automobiles to transport the corpses. For transporting and for the burial, coffins are not necessary. The bodies should be wrapped in paper, preferably covered in oil or asphalt, or they could be wrapped in something similar to paper. The transportation and the burial should be done unnoticeably, quietelym and when many corpses come in at the same time, the burial should take place in a common grave. The corpses should be laid at the usual depth, but side by side, not one over the other. As a site for the burial, a distant part of the cemetery should be chosen. Decoration of the graves or burial services should not be allowed."
"The minimum must be spent for burial." people, the criminals still used discrimination of a political or racial nature. Actually, the discrimination could mean just one thing. It meant that one part of the prisoners of war reached the finale, which is death, quicker then other sections of the prisoners of war, but even here, the Nazis tried to make death more unpleasant for those whom the Nazis' theories considered undesirable politically or racially or who they thought could offer some resistance were they alive.
I request the Tribunal's permission to read into the record one paragraph from an already submitted document, USSR 415. It is a report of the Extraordinary State Commission on the crimes in the camp at Lamsdorf. This citation will show the extent of the crimes and will conclude the presentation of evidence with regard to this camp. The members of the Tribunal will find this on page 146 of the document book, Paragraph 6:
"According to the conclusions of the Special Commission with regard to the Lamsdorf camp, the Germans caused the death of more than 100,000 Soviet prisoners of war. Most of these died in the mines, in the various economic enterprises, or during transportation to the camp. Some were killed in the dugouts, some during evacuation of the camp.
Forty thousand prisoners of war died in the camp at Lamsdorf itself."
Mr. President, the Soviet Prosecution requests permission to present one more witness, whose evidence is particularly important in establishing that were was a special regime with regard to Soviet prisoners of war in the camp. The Soviet Prosecution requests your permission to question this witness.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, Colonel Smirnov.