Not at all, The camp in Lamsov actually followed the object of exterminating prisoners of war without discrimination as to nationality or citizenship. However, even in this extermination camp, in the terrible conditions created for the prisoners of war of all nationalities, the German Fascists, committing fiendish crimes against humanity and true to the principles of their vile theories, created specially intolerable conditions for the Soviet people. documents which have been found among the archives of this camp, and which I will now submit in the original copies. All of these documents testify to the discrimination against Soviet prisoners of war which was carried out by the administration of the camp, following orders of the Reich Government and of the Supreme Command. concerning the utilization of labor of Soviet prisoners of war, which is addressed by the chief of the prisoner of war department of the 8th military district to the administration of industrial concerns. I beg the Tribunal to accept this document as evidence. I submit it in the original. I quote point 10 of this memorandum. This quotation is the last paragraph of page 150 of the document book.
"As far as the treatment of Russian prisoners of war is concerned, the following directives are to be put into effect.
"The Russian prisoners of war have passed through the school of Bolshevism. They must be looked upon as bolsheviks and must be treated as such. According to Soviet instructions, even when prisoners they must actively straggle against the state which has imprisoned them. Therefore, from the beginning, we must treat all Russian prisoners of war with merciless strictness, if we have only the slightest pretext for this.
"The complete isolation of the prisoners of war from the civilian population whilst working or whilst resting must be respected. All civilian persons who endeavor to approach the Russian prisoners of war whilst working to try to talk to them, to hand money or food products to then, or similar objects, must be taken into custody, questioned and handed over to the police."
I quote the introduction to this memorandum. It is on page 147 of the document bock.
"The General Staff Armed Forces issued an order regarding the utilization of labor of the Soviet prisoners of war, according to which the utilization of the Russian prisoners of war must be tolerated only on condition that the conditions should be far stricter than those which refer to prisoners of war of other nationalities." the Soviet prisoners of war only for the solo reason that they are Soviet peoples was not an arbitrary action of the administration of the Lamsov camp. They were dictated by the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. While elaborating on this memorandum, the administration of the Lamsov camp only put into effect the direct instruction of the Supreme Command. characteristic. This is paragraph 4, which is on page 149 of the document book, last paragraph.
"As a contrast to the very strict conditions of security to be applied to the residential quarters, the living conditions of these quarters can be simplified to a minimum." I will try to show later what this meant.
Now, article 7, which is on page 150 of the document book:
"The food rations for working Russian prisoners of war differ from the Russians who are quartered to prisoners of war of other nationalities. Further notice will be given later regarding this question."
concerns which employed Russian prisoners of war. which was addressed to the guards of the Soviet prisoners of war. This document is present in its original copy, and I bog the Tribunal to add it to the record. I wish to quote a few short excerpts from this memorandum. I will first read that part of the document, which informs us as to the sources. On the first page of the document it is stated that it is an appendix to "A Directive of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces," with the number and date. I now read the introduction of this memorandum, which is on page 152 of the document book.
"For the first time in this war, the German soldier has to do with an adversary who is not only instructed in a military sense, but also in a political sense, whose ideal is communism and who sees in National Socialism its worst enemy.
"Even when he is a prisoner, the soldier, however inoffensive he may appear, will exploit every possibility to show his hatred to everything that is German. We must envisage or consider that the prisoners of war have received corresponding instruction as to their behavior while prisoners." absurdity of these so-called "special instructions." Therefore I will not dwell on this sentence. I continue.
"Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to show maximum wariness and greatest prudence as regards these prisoners. The following directives have been issued to the guards. First, the adoption of terroristic measures at the first appearance of the smallest symptoms of resistance or disobedience.
In order to suppress resistance, one must revert to arms. All prisoners of war who attempt to escape must be fired upon without hailing." And in brackets it is stated: "Without hailing with a view to hitting them." 3 of this memorandum. It is on page 153 of the document book, second paragraph. I quote only three lines:
"As to the assiduous and obedient prisoners of war, all displays of softness are out of place, for they will be considered as a demonstration of weakness and the prisoners will draw the corresponding conclusions out of this attitude." last paragraph of the document book:
"The apparent inoffensiveness of the bolshevik prisoners of war must never lead to abandonment of the aforementioned instructions." utilization of the Soviet prisoners of war for labor by industry. It stated that the conditions, living conditions, of these prisoners could be simplified to the minimum. The Tribunal will see what this meant when I submit a report of the chief for supplies and equipment of the army, dated 17 October 1941, and which was distributed by the deputy of the chief of supplies and equipment of the army. It is USSR Exhibit 422, and is an original document, and I beg the Tribunal to add this to the record. It was issued in Berlin and is dated 17 October 1941. I quote only one excerpt of this document. It is on page 154 of the document book.
"Subject: Billeting of Soviet Prisoners of War.
"At the conference held on the 19th of September, 1941, at the office of the chief of supplies and equipment of the army, it was decided that by constructing several bunks, one over the other, in the barracks which were designated for 150 prisoners of war, one could billet 840 persons, following the draft of the barracks for the Soviet prisoners of war."
I will not quote the remaining part of this document. I consider that this quotation is sufficiently significant. are also presented in the original copy, which prove that the extermination of Soviet prisoners of war for political reasons was systematically carried out in the camps. I will first submit, as USSR Exhibit 32, this document, presented in the original copy, and I beg the Tribunal to add it to the record.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will adjourn now.
(A recess was taken).
COLONEL SMIRNOV: I cite the document already submitted to the Court. The place which I asked the Court's permission to read is on page 153, Point 4 of the order:
"The matter of the Shooting of the Prisoners of War. Judicial Investigator.
"Every case of shooting or serious wounding of a prisoner of war should be reported if it concerns English, French, Belgium or American prisoners of war. In these cases, one should also act in accordance with instructions of the High Command."
This order was dated 2 August 1943. On 5 November 1943 there was another order changing this directive with regard to the Soviet prisoners of war. I request that the Tribunal accept as evidence the document submitted as No. 433 with regard to Camp No. 86. From this document I shall cite just one paragraph, Paragraph 12:
"The shooting of prisoners of war. Judicial Investigator.
"With regard to the shooting of Soviet prisoners of war and other unfortunate accidents that take place with regard to them, it is not necessary to report by telephone to the Chief of the Section of Prisoner of War Affairs, as this is an unusual occurrence." sum for the work of the prisoners of war, but even here the Soviet prisoners of war were placed in conditions much worst than the prisoners of war of other nations. To confirm this, I request that the Tribunal accept as evidence the directive of the High Command of Germany dated 1 March 1944.
The document shall be submitted as USSR 427. I request that the Tribunal attach it to the materials of the Trial is evidence. From this document I shall cite only two sentences. These sentences the members of the Tribunal will find on page 172 of the document book:
"The prisoners of war who work all day will receive for the full working day the basic, salary -- but not the Soviet prisoners of war, 0.70 RM. The Soviet prisoners of war will receive 0.35 RM." last paragraph:
"The minimum daily wages will consist of 0.20 RM for the non-Soviet prisoners, 0.10 RM far the Soviet prisoners of war." to take a few breaths of fresh air, the Soviet people were deprived even of that. I request that the Tribunal accept as USSR 424 the order concerning Camp No. 44. From this directive, I ask permission to quote one sentence from Paragraph 7, entitled, "The Prisoners of War." It begins like this?
"On those special occasions, when prisoners of war, as a result of their living quarters being at the same place as their work, and if in those cases they have no opportunity ever to be in the fresh air, in that case the prisoners of war should be allowed to be taken out into the fresh air from, time to time." cerning Camp No. 46. This document is submitted as USSR 425. I remind the Tribunal that the directive, the preceding order, concerning fresh air for the prisoners of war was No. 7. I am citing one sentence from the ten points of Order No. 46, which is entitled "Fresh Air", or Walks in the Fresh Air for Prisoners of War."
"The basis of this section is the order of the Chief of the Section of Prisoner of War Affairs, dated 2 June 1942. The supplement of Point 7 of the order concerning Camp No. 44, dating from 1943, explains that the order does not concern Soviet prisoners of war." of the report of the Labor Administrator concerning prisoners of war and their utilization for labor.
I quote two sentences: The place where I have asked permission to quote is on page 160 of the document folder, beginning:
"It is necessary to replace 104 English prisoners of war in the work brigade by 150 Soviet prisoners of war. The change is necessary by reason of the demands of the plan. Filling the work brigade with English prisoners of war and increasing the number of the brigade becomes impossible. After checking the inmates of the camp in the last few months, it was established that the quota provided, for the camp was only sufficient for 104 British prisoners of war. Therefore, there is not enough room for 160. However, the same living quarters could accomodate 160 Soviet prisoners of war," I request the permission of the Tribunal to quote one more document; specifically, Section No. 8 with regard to this camp, dated 7 May 1942.
It is entitled "The Utilization for Labor of Soviet Prisoners of War." I submit this document in the original as No. USSR 426, and I ask that it be attacked to the material of the trial as evidence. I am quoting on sentence, containing the confession on the part of the Germans themselves:
"Practically all Soviet prisoners of war, without exception, in fact, all, are in a state of exhaustion. This does not allow their utilization at the present time for normal work."
The headquarters of the High Command was concerned with two questions: First, supplying Soviet prisoners of war with blankets, and second, with the question of the burial of those who died as a result of the pitiless regime of the concentration camp.
Both of these questions found solutions in the same document. I submit this document to the Tribunal as USSR 429, and I request that the Tribunal attach this to the material of the trial as evidence. The Tribunal can find it on page 162 of the document book. This is a directive of the 8th Military District, dated 28 October 1942. I quote the text:
"In accordance with the decision of the conference which took place at the headquarters, the following directive is issued:
"First, Soviet prisoners of war will receive cotton blankets, which they themselves should make into comforters by filling them with cotton and paper scraps or similar material. The cloth will be supplied by Headquarters."
The second section, which follows, is entitled, "The Burial of Soviet Prisoners of War: The Soviet prisoners of war should be buried naked, wrapped in paper and without coffins. The coffins should be used only for transporting the bodies. In the work brigades, the burial will be done by the local authorities. The expenses of the burial will be paid by the concentration camp for prisoners of war. The undressing of the prisoners of war will be done by the guards. /Signed/ Grosseketler." the burial of the Soviet prisoners of war; the Ministry of the Interor was also concerned with this. It sent to the camp for prisoners of war an urgent letter which had a special sentence stating it must not be published. I request the Tribunal to accept this as evidence as USSR No. 430.
The members of the Tribunal can find it on page 276 of the document folder. I quote simply a few sentence from this rather voluminous document --five sentences, to be exact. They begin like this:
"Pursuing the aims of economy, the military establishment should be asked to provide automobiles to transport the corpses. For transporting and for the burial, coffins are not necessary. The bodies should be wrapped in paper, preferably covered in oil or asphalt, or they could be wrapped in something similar to paper. The transportation and the burial should be done unnoticeably, quietelym and when many corpses come in at the same time, the burial should take place in a common grave. The corpses should be laid at the usual depth, but side by side, not one over the other. As a site for the burial, a distant part of the cemetery should be chosen. Decoration of the graves or burial services should not be allowed."
"The minimum must be spent for burial." people, the criminals still used discrimination of a political or racial nature. Actually, the discrimination could mean just one thing. It meant that one part of the prisoners of war reached the finale, which is death, quicker then other sections of the prisoners of war, but even here, the Nazis tried to make death more unpleasant for those whom the Nazis' theories considered undesirable politically or racially or who they thought could offer some resistance were they alive.
I request the Tribunal's permission to read into the record one paragraph from an already submitted document, USSR 415. It is a report of the Extraordinary State Commission on the crimes in the camp at Lamsdorf. This citation will show the extent of the crimes and will conclude the presentation of evidence with regard to this camp. The members of the Tribunal will find this on page 146 of the document book, Paragraph 6:
"According to the conclusions of the Special Commission with regard to the Lamsdorf camp, the Germans caused the death of more than 100,000 Soviet prisoners of war. Most of these died in the mines, in the various economic enterprises, or during transportation to the camp. Some were killed in the dugouts, some during evacuation of the camp.
Forty thousand prisoners of war died in the camp at Lamsdorf itself."
Mr. President, the Soviet Prosecution requests permission to present one more witness, whose evidence is particularly important in establishing that were was a special regime with regard to Soviet prisoners of war in the camp. The Soviet Prosecution requests your permission to question this witness.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, Colonel Smirnov.
(DR. EUGENE ALEXANDROVICH VLACHA took the stand) BY THE PRESIDENT:
Q What is your name?
Q Will you repeat this oath after me? I, and then state your name, a citizen of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, summoned as witness in this trial, do promise and swear, in the presence of the Court, to tell the Court nothing but the truth about everything I know in regard to this case.
(The witness repeated the oath). THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down, if you wish. BY THE PRESIDENT:
Q Will you spell your surname? BY COLONEL SMRNOV: Hitlerite attack on the Soviet Union? 44th Infantry Division.
Q Did your regiment take part in the battle against the Germans? the Germans from the very first day of war.
Q When were you captured and under what circumstances? district of the City of Uman of the Petrograd region. I was captured at the moment when our unit and two Russian armies, of which our unit was a part, after many battles, were surrounded by the Germans. these Red Army men who were captured by the Germans; what was their position, their situation and condition? torture which the German army and the German authorities applied to the Soviet prisoners of war. The facts are known to me because, for a long time, I myself was a prisoner of war. On the very first day of my capture I was transported together with a large group of other prisoners of war, to one of the transient camps.
Enroute, talking to the other prisoners of war, along side of whom I marched, I learned that the greater part of the prisoners of war were taken prisoners three or four days ahead of the time when I was taken prisoner, together with a small group of other persons in my unit. been captured three or four days ago, were under strict and careful guard of the Germans and all these days they were completely deprived of ford, or water. Subsequently, while we were passing through villages, the prisoners of war, when they saw wells of water or water in any shape, when they licked their tongues when seeing the water and made actions towards the water, the Germand did not let them have any water. During the same day, late in the evening, our while column consisting of about five thousand persons, was quartered, in the cattle yard, where we had no way of resting from our journey, and all night long we had to stand in the open sky, and that went on the second day and the next and the next. As before, we had no food and we had no water. water wells, tried to get at the water?
A Yes, I remember a few cases of that kind. I shall specifically narrate an incident of the kind on the first day of our journey. It occurred like this: We were passing in the suburbs of a little village. The civilian population saw us. They tried to give us water and to give us bread; however, the Germans wouldn't let us get near them; neither would, they let the rest of the population come anywhere near us. One of the prisoners lead the column to a distance of five or six meters and without any warning he was shot by a German soldier. Some of his comrades went to his side, hoping he was still alive, but they too were immediately shot at without any warning. Some of them were wounded and two of them were dead, were shot on the spot. journey from one place to another, did you witness any other incidents of the kind? journey from one camp to another saw the same type of incidents, the same type of shootings.
severe measures to the citizens who tried to give bread and water to the prisoners of war? war, they were also applied to those who tried to help them. I remember how, on one of the journeys, a group of women and children saw us. They tried to give us water and food just like all others who saw us, but the Germans would not allow them to come anywhere near us. Once a woman and a little girl, about five years old, came to us, evidently her daughter. The little girl came pretty close to us -- it occurred to me -and when she was five or six steps away from us she was shot on the spot by German soldiers. population tried to get to them; perhaps they got enough nourishment from the Germans?
lock of food. They were not supplied with any food or water enroute. the only food the prisoners of war received enroute? food?
Q In what camps of prisoners of war have you every been yourself? Name them. Tarnovka. Second, there was a camp on the territory of the brick plant in the suburbs of the City of Uman. Third, there was a camp in the vicinity of the City of Ivangored. The fourth camp was in the territory of some military unit in the City of Gaisin. The fifth camp in the region of the military settlement called Vinniza. The sixth camp in the vicinity of the City of Jmerinka; and the last camp, where I spent most of my time, was in the village of Rakove, not far from the City of Proskurov, in the Tarnovka region. which existed in a number of camps?
Q Are you a physician? aid to those prisoners of war who were in these camps? general group of prisoners of war and together with other physicians of the Russian army, I was taken, or rather separated from the other prisoners of war and sent to work, to the so-called hospital. This hospital was situated in a barn. The floor was made of earth. There was no equipment for the wounded, and on the floor there lay a large number of wounded Soviet prison of war, who were there twelve days prior to my arrival. During all that time they received no medical help, although many of them needed surgical aid, needed bandages, a whole lot of them needed some very special and even ordinary treatment, none of which they received.
They were systematically deprived of water: they were fed unsystematically, at least when I arrived in the camp. There was no evidence that food was ever prepared for these wounded. In the camp where I arrived, the second day there were from 15,000 to 20,000 wounded prisoners of war. Most of those could not move of their own accord but they lay in the open air. Food was given to them in the same manner as these other prisoners of war. They had not received any medical aid up to that time. They were lying on the ground and their bandages were soaked with blood and push There was no special equipment special aid of any kind in Uman camp, though the wounded and the sick were housed in one of the barns which had a wooden floor. There was no special equipment or special aid of any kind in Uman camp, though the wounded and the sick were housed in one of the barns which had a wooden floor. There was no special equipment to keep them clean, to wash them, or to feed then. As in all other camps, they gave them no care whatever, not even the minimum medical care, no bandages, no instruments, no surgical aid.
Q You mentioned the Uman camp. Look at this photograph and tell me, is it a photograph of one of the camps that you were an innate of? the City of Tarnovka. I know it very well.
COLONEL SMIRNOV: I must report to the Tribunal that I have here submitted as evidence, the photograph of the Uman camp. I submit it as USSR No, 345. It shows the camp with regard to which the witness Bingel already testified. BY COLONEL SMIRNOV: photograph?
Q What was the regime of the Uman camp? Tell us just the main points and, please, very briefly. The food was very poor, and there was very little of it. In the Uman camp, where I spent eight days, twice a day, on open fires, pea soup which was very polluted, was cooked. There was no special routine for feeding the prisoners of war.
The soup thus cooked was fed to the whole mass of people in the most uncontrolled, manner. The prisoners all rushed to the soup, each trying to get even a little bit of that soup which was the only food or practically so. Then there was disorder, crowding, while the German guards, all armed with clubs as well as automatic and sub-machine guns, would casually and wantonly strike any prisoner of war who came within the distance of that club, and then they would laugh and throw insults at the hungry people who rushed to the little bit of food there was.
Q Tell me, witness; in the camp situated near Rakovo, was the food better or was it the same as in other camps; and how was the food situation with respect to the health of the prisoners of war? other camps, which I previously witnessed or rather was an inmate of, in just this way. It consisted of cabbage, potatoes and turnips, which were usually served semi-cooked. From this poor quality of food, the prisoners of war developed stomach trouble of the most violent kind which was accompanied by bloody diarrhoea and exhausted the people very quickly, and caused practically mass mortality. provocation or without provocation. What character of injuries did the prisoners of war receive as a result of these beatings?
Were they serious or were the injuries minor? surgical section. Frequently, after dinner or supper, there were brought to the hospital persons with the most serious physical injuries. I frequently had to give first aid to persons injured during the crowding that occurred during meal hours; in fact, some of the injuries were so serious that men died. I remember when two prisoners of war were beaten by some hard object on the head which broke the skull in such a way that the brain owed out. I remember another incident too well, when one of the prisoners lost an eye after one of the beatings, after which he suffered an inflammation of the brain. war?
A The history of the Rakovo camp can be broken into two periods; first, the two years preceding November 1941, when there was still a very small number of prisoners of war in camps; and the second period, from November 1941 up to March 1942, during this period I myself was in the camps. This period is noted for particularly large number of prisoners of war and a very great mortality. There were from 700 to 950 cases of death daily.
Q What disciplinary measures were taken in the camp; what were the punishments imposed and for what violations of the rules? Do you know?
A Yes, I do know. There was a solitary cell in the camp for the violators of the rules, for the violators of the rules of the terrible regime which was created there. The violations usually consisted of stealing food somewhere in the kitchen or something like that. The prisoner was then placed into the solitary cell on the ground floor, and the windows had no panes but iron bars. The prisoner was undressed. He was deprived of food and water and for fourteen days he was there alone. I do not know of a single occasion where any prisoner survived solitary confinement. number of persons suffering from exhaustion.
in the decreased number of persons capable to work? What was done to those prisoners who could not work? adapted for human living. At first all the persons were utilized for work. Some of this work was entirely aimless, I can say definitely, because the work consisted of destroying or demolishing private residences or clearing debris from camp grounds. people began to report for work. Many persons lost their capacity to control their movements and could not even leave the barracks or rather the stables where they were housed to receive food. When there were a great many such persons in the stables, that is, persons who could not work, they established what was called quarantine. Then all the exits and entrances were sealed. Then the persons, those incapacitated, were completely isolated from the rest of the camp, and they were kept like that in complete confinement for four or five days, after which the stables were opened again, and always corpses were taken out of there. used in the camp?
A We were not used for any similar work in camp. The only thing they did medically was to divide those who could work from those who could not, but we were not allowed to give any medical aid.
Q Did you duty or functions change from camp to camp? Was there any camp where you were asked to render medical aid? the physicians among the prisoners of war should be on duty in the vicinity of the public toilet. That meant nothing else than to dig the ditch used for the purpose. We had to clean the toilets too, of course, we, the physicians. That was considered sanitary aid. you consider it straight mockery on the part of the Germans?
COLONEL SMIRNOV: Mr. Chairman, I have no more questions to ask this witness.
THE PRESIDENT: Do the Prosecutors have any questions to ask?
COLONEL SMIRNOV: No, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Do any of the defendants' counsel wish to ask any questions? BY DR. LATERNSER:
THE PRESIDENT: Please give your name and for whom you appear.
DR. LATERNSER: Dr. Laternser, defendants' counsel of the General Staff of the OKW. BY DR. LATERNSER: the district of Uman. Do you know whether at that time from the side of the Germans many prisoners were taken? had advanced very fast in Russian territory?
A I cannot say about this. The German armies moved very fast, but before our units were surrounded we fought and we retreated, fighting, during the period which began the war up to the 9th of August. marched?
Q When did you get the first food from the German troops? were first fed?
A I don't understand the question. time? know something about the fact that the feeding of troops is not a simple thing.
A I couldn't have given that impression in my testimony, particularly since the Germans had all the facilities for supplying the prisoners of war with food. It was the civilian population that tried to give the Soviet prisoners of war whatever food there was, not the German authorities, and not the German Military Command. Incidentally, they gave no permission to feed us. They not only didn't give us food and prevented anybody else from giving us food, they shot anybody who tried to give us food among the civilian residents of any district. great difficulty if in a certain area, the area of Uman, 100,000 prisoners had been taken. in the same spot. There were several concentration camps, although in Uman there were more prisoners of war than elsewhere.
Q I have not spoken about the feeding in the Camp of Uman. We were talking about the feeding during the first days after having been captured.
A I was not separated in any way from the other prisoners of war. I was fed and supplied in exactly the same way as all the others. I ate in the common mess and was housed together with the others. The German Command did not give us physicians any special treatment.